The Florida Historical Quarterly Volume XXVIII July 1949 Number 1 Contents CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXVIII Diego Pena's Expedition to Apalachee and Apalachicolo in 1716 by Mark F. Boyd The Political Activity of the Freedmen's Bureau in Florida by George R. Bentley Francis P. Fleming in the War for Southern Independence: Letters from the front edited by Edward C. Williamson Letters of the Invaders of East Florida, 1812 by Rembert W. Patrick Tequesta: The Journal of the Historical Association of Southern Florida Book Review The Jacksonville Historical Society The Florida Historical Society Our Contributors SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS SINGLE COPIES ONE DOLLAR (Copyright, 1949, by the Florida Historical Society. Reentered as second class matter November 21, 1947, at the post office at Tallahassee, Florida, Under the Act of August 24, 1912.) Office of publication, Tallahassee, Florida Published quarterly by THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY St. Augustine, Florida CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXVIII July, 1949 - April, 1950 ARTICLES AND AUTHORS Archeological Sites ; 216 An Archeologist at Fort Gadsden: John W. Griffin; 254 Bentley, George R.: The Political Activity of the Freedmen's Bureau in Florida; 28 Boyd, Mark F.: Diego Pena's Expedition to Apalachee and Apalachi- cola in 1716; 1 A Century of Medicine in Jacksonville and Duval County: Webster Merritt, reviewed ; 156 Clarke, Robert L. : Northern Plans for the Economic Invasion of Flor- ida, 1862-1865; 262 Diego Pena's Expedition to Apalachee and Apalachicolo in 1716: Mark F. Boyd; 1 Doherty, Herbert J. Jr. : Political Factions in Territorial Florida; 131 Filibustering with the "Dauntless": Richard V. Rickenbach; 231 A Florida Settler of 1877, The Diary of Erastus G. Hill; 271 Florida's Flagler: Sidney Walter Martin, reviewed: 70 The Florida Historical Society; 75, 158, 223, 300 Fort Clinch Memorial Association ; 213 Francis P. Fleming in the War for Southern Independence, Letters from the Front: Edward C. Williamson; 38, 143, 205 Griffin, John W.: An Archeologist at Fort Gadsden; 254 The Halifax Region; 214 Held, Ray E.: Hernando de Miranda; 111 Hernando de Miranda; Ray E. Held; 111 Hillsborough County Historical Commission ; 211 Historical Association of Osceola County; 212 The Historical Association of Southern Florida : Teguesta; 222, 296 The Jacksonville Historical Society: 74, 217, 299 Letters of the Invaders of East Florida, 1812: Rembert W. Patrick; 53 Martin, Sidney Walter : Florida's Flagler, reviewed ; 70 Merritt, Webster: A Century of Medicine in Jacksonville and Duval County, reviewed ; 156 The National Farmers' Alliance Convention of 1890 and its "Ocala" Demands: Samuel Proctor; 161 Negro Slavery in Florida: Edwin L. Williams, Jr. 93, 182 Northern Plans for the Economic Invasion of Florida: Robert L. Clarke ; 262 Patrick, Rembert W.: Letters of the Invaders of East Florida, 1812; 53 The Political Activity of the Freemen's Bureau in Florida: George R. Bentley ; 28 Political Factions in Territorial Florida: Herbert J. Doherty Jr.; 131 Proctor, Samuel: Review of Florida's Flagler, 70. The National Farm- ers' Alliance Convention of 1890 and its "Ocala Demands"; 161 Rickenbach, Richard V. : Filibustering with the "Dauntless"; 231 St. Augustine; 293 Tequesta: The Journal of the Historical Association of Southern Florida; 66, 296 Terra Ceia Indian Mound; 214 Williams, Edwin L., Jr. : Negro Slavery in Florida; 93, 182 Williamson, Edward C.: Francis P. Fleming in the War for Southern Independence, Letters from the Front; 38, 143, 205 1 Diego Pena's Expedition to Apalachee and Apalachicolo in 1716 by Mark F. Boyd Prior to the settlement of Charles Town in 1670, the Spanish, through the mission reductions, dominated many of the southeastern Indian tribes. Although the mission Indians generally accepted the discipline im- posed, several revolts against Spanish rule neverthe- less occurred, the suppression of which doubtless pro- duced many malcontents. Furthermore the Spanish regarded the English settlement of Carolina as an en- croachment on Spanish territory, although evidently not unwelcome by Indians who had become hostile to the Spaniards. In Spanish eyes, Florida, being devoid of precious metals, was unproductive and lacking in commercial opportunities. The settlements were regarded as mili- tary outposts protecting the route of the flota, and were not self-supporting, being maintained by a subsidy. Their insignificant Indian trade largely dealt with pro- visions to supplement the meager and irregular supplies received from abroad. On the other hand, the English settlements, of necessity had to become self-supporting and render a profit to the mother country. The English settlers consequently soon developed an active trade with the Indians through which their influence rapidly expanded. Although finally largely becoming based on deer skins, the English nevertheless encouraged their adherents to engage in active warfare with other tribes, particularly those supporting the Spanish, with whom they developed an extensive trade for captives, who were thereafter held in slavery. These hostilities intensified after 1680, through raids on mission settlements in Guale and Timucua. Firearms became an important item *This is a contribution from the Florida Park Service. The annotations to the journal largely deal with identification of sites on those portions of the route which traverse areas represented on the quadrangle sheets of the U. S. G. S. Dr. John R. Swanton has very kindly reviewed the translation of the journal, and has sup- plied a few annotations distinguished with his initials. 2 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY of their commerce, giving their adherents an important advantage over their opponents, as the Spanish were reluctant to supply Indians with these weapons. The aggressive English traders soon brought the ever ex- panding radius of their operations into contact with In- dians who hitherto had been little subject to Spanish influence, with likely a consequent intensification of in- tertribal hostilities. This the Spanish sought to counter- act by extending their own penetration into the interior, in particular along the Chattahoochee river. With French penetration to the Gulf Coast, the struggle be- came tripartite, although after the succession of the Bourbon dynasty to the Spanish throne, the French and Spanish usually presented a common front to the Eng- lish. Thus the Spanish attempted to forestall the English among the Indians living on the Chattahoochie river, known to them as Apalachicolos, by efforts to effect their conversion in 1679 and 1681. These were unsuccess- ful, although some converts were congregated at the mission of Santa Cruz de Sabacola near the confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochie rivers. The Spanish ap- prehensions were justified when Dr. Henry Woodward, the noted English emissary to the Indians, finally pene- trated to these villages in 1685. Learning of his pres- ence, the deputy governor of Apalachee, Antonio Matheos, lead two expeditions to the Apalachicolos in the same year, but failed to apprehend the doctor and the traders in his company. Although Woodward eluded him, he received the submission of eight towns, and burnt four others, Coweta, Kasihta, Tuskegee and Kolomi, which were recalcitrant. Three later expeditions in as many years could not dissuade the Indians from their inclination to English trade. Then in 1689 the Spanish built a block-house near Coweta where a garrison was maintained until 1691, when exigencies in St. Augustine required withdrawal of the small force. The fort failed of its purpose, as the presence of the garrison and memories of the burning 3 PENA'S EXPEDITION 3 of the villages impelled the Indians to leave the Chat- tahoochie and move nearer to the English. They settled on the banks of the upper Ockmulgee river, which from the name by which these Indians were known to the English, was called Ochese Creek, from which they came to be known as Creeks. The erstwhile Apalachicolo probably did not require much incitement to intensify their raids on the Florida mission settlements. These nearly continuous hostilities in which the Indians were not only the chief participants but also the principal sufferers, were intensified at times when their European sponsors were engaged in open warfare. This intensification was notable during the War of the Spanish Succession or Queen Anne's War (1701-1714), terminated by the treaties of Utrecht and Rastatt. Thus St. Augustine was unsuccessfully besieged in 1702 by Governor Moore of South Carolina, who to retrieve his prestige and weaken St. Augustine, lead a devastating raid into Apalachee in 1704. Further raids followed in this and succeeding years, until by 1708, except for the garrison towns of St. Augustine and Pensacola, Florida was practically depopulated. Depopulation, however, did not wholly result from slaughter, but from enforced emigration of the van- quished from Florida. Ever since the initial raids into Guale, the Carolineans, aided by a spirit of disaffection in the mission Indians, had been developing a policy of relocating those tribes they had come to dominate on the southern periphery of the colony, as a barrier to Spanish counterattacks. The first extensive relocation was that of the Yamassees, who prior to 1707 had been induced to leave Guale and settle along the coast north of the Savannah river. Other groups, among which the Apalachee were notable, were obliged to settle on the south side of this river adjacent to Savannah Town. For the remaining period of Queen Anne's War, Carolina appeared to be secure from Spanish aggression. The English, however, did not continue indefinitely to enjoy the confidence of these relocated Indian groups. 4 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY English encroachments onto the reserved Indian lands, coupled with gross abuses inflicted by the traders, aroused a resentment which smouldered until it burst into sudden and unexpected flame in 1715 in what is known as the Yamassee War. Although at the time it was widely believed this rising was instigated by the Spanish and French, this has not been proven. It ap- pears that the relocated Creeks may have instigated the concerted hostilities of all the surrounding nations. The Carolina colony was immediately in desperate straights and conceivably might have succumbed had it not been possible to secure the defection of the Cherokee from the rebellion, partly by diplomacy and partly by military operations. This breach was climaxed by a Cherokee massacre of Creek and Yamassee emissaries early in 1716. The tide subsequently turned in favor of the Carolineans, and the disheartened Indians scattered from their reservations along the Savannah and Ocko- mulgee rivers. The Yamassee largely fled to the vicinity of St. Augustine in Florida, the Apalachicolos returning to their old haunts along the Chattahoochie river. The period was one of tension, the old balance in favor of Carolina had been upset, and the long repressed Span- iards recognized an opportunity to recover some, at least, of their diminished territory and prestige. The journal of the 1716 expedition of Lieutenant Diego Pena is of interest not only for its intrinsic character and substance but from the circumstance that it throws into high relief the completeness of the stark devastation resulting from the English instigated In- dian raids into Apalachee and Timucua and elsewhere in Florida between 1702 and 1708. Pena was the first to traverse these regions since those tragedies. The journal is contained in a file preserved in the Archives of the Indies in Seville, photostats of which were made available through the courtesy of the North Carolina Department of Archives and History. These were from a transcript contemporaneously made in St. 5 PENA'S EXPEDITION 5 Augustine for submission to the Viceroy of New Spain, from whence it was forwarded to Spain.* There is presented a translation of the journal in full, and for a better understanding of the circum- stances which lead to the expedition and the immediate results thereof, the setting is sketched from the other pertinent papers in the file. When Senor Colonel of Spanish Infantry, Don Pedro de Oliver y Fullana, Major General of the Armies of His Majesty, arrived in St. Augustine in the month of July, 1716, with a commission from His Majesty as Governor and Captain General of the said city and its provinces, he either found awaiting him, or was soon thereafter cognizant of an Indian visitor, a casique or chief called Chislacasliche, from the lower Chattahoochie river, who, in the belief of the Spaniards, was the Em- peror of the Province of Coweta, Chislacasliche, whose name is variously written in the documents of this file as Chalaquiliche, and Chilacaliche (of Pena), had paid a visit to St. Augustine in 1715, and had rendered sub- mission to Oliver's predecessor, a circumstance suggest- ing that he and his followers were among the numerous former adherents of the English who were dislodged from along the Savannah river by the Yamassee War. At his former visit he had been asked to disseminate news, on his return home, of his good reception and spread word that others who desired to render submis- sion would be received in an equally friendly manner and thereafter enjoy Spanish protection. His return visit was prompted by a desire to communicate the news that many bands on the Chattahoochie (Apalachacolo) river desired friendship with the Spaniards, but that for some reason they were perplexed by the substance of Chislacasliche's previous message. He proposed to Oliver that the substance be reiterated in another mes- sage to be sent to the bands on the river, and that in testimony of authenticity it be brought by a military * The file constitutes AI 58-1-30 : 56-56' (pp. 106), dated April 6, 1716. The date is an obvious error, probably for 1717, since none of the documents contained bear a date earlier than July 21st, 1716. 6 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY embassy. Oliver immediately called a council of war to consider the proposal, the members of which readily appreciated the opportunity and approved the project. Thereupon Governor Oliver immediately ordered a retired lieutenant, Diego Pena, with a retired ensign, Diego de Florencia, and a detachment of three soldiers, Francisco Rodriguez, Francisco de Leon and Bartho- lome Ramirez, of the cavalry company of the garrison, to undertake the mission, and escort Chislacasliche and his companions to the Chattahoochie. For some undis- closed reason de Leon's name is not subsequently men- tioned, and he may not have set forth with the party. Francisco Domingues appears to have taken the place of Francisco Rodriguez, although this apparent substi- tution may be an error of the copyist of the document. The instructions to Lieutenant Pena were minute. In substance they had the following scope: 1. Ascertain how many chiefs and provinces or vil- lages of Indians desire peace, our friendship and trade, the only condition to be exacted for which, is that they come to St. Augustine to render submission. 2. Pena is to assure all chiefs and principal Indians whom he meets or convenes in council in the name of the crown, that all who come to render submission will be well treated and entertained, and that newly arrived Governor Oliver bears fresh orders from the King to help and protect the Indians. 3. During the journey, Pena is to exercise care not to offend the Indians of his company, and in particular Chislacasliche, and is to treat them with the greatest suavity, and reiterate to them while on the road, that after submission to the Spanish they will enjoy much good fortune, will be rich, and will be feared by their enemies. 4. He is to urge the Indians who contemplate settle- ment in Apalachee, that they select sites from San Marcos eastward, that they settle in villages, each na- tion or tongue to itself, and that in order to ensure 7 PENA'S EXPEDITION 7 fertile ground, that the site be near some river, creek or brook. 5. In addition to munitions for Chislacasliche and his companions as well as the Spanish party, Pena will carry, for distribution as presents to chiefs and princi- pal men who show inclination to render submission, 3 arrobas of powder and a dozen guns. 6. In order to avoid confusion and expense at St. Augustine, Pena should attempt to dissuade any, other than chiefs and principal men, from coming to St. Au- gustine to render submission. 7. Pena is to keep a diary on the journey, noting all events. 8. He is to take particular pains to collect all cattle, in particular horses, and should Indian villages be en- countered, he is to arrange in a friendly manner for the Indians to deliver them in St. Augustine, assuring them that they will be paid their full value at that city. 9. None of the Spaniards shall trade with the In- dians for anything, under penalty of punishment on re- turn, the guilty as well as the leader. 10. If in passing through Lachua [Alachua] or its neighborhood, some cattle or horses can be rounded up, the governor is to be advised of the location by a letter sent by one or two Indian messengers. 11. The governor is to be advised in the same man- ner of any novelty seen on the road. 12. Pena is to ascertain, in the case of those chiefs seeking royal patronage, the number of warriors they command, their nation, tongue, and the number of people subject to each. 13. Pena is to report on the bad places in the road which they are obliged to repair, and whether after re- pair they are of a character which can be used again for ready communication between the presidio and Apalachee. 14. All of these orders are to be observed by the leader as well as by those of his command under penalty of punishment, and on the contrary they are informed, 8 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY that if well and faithfully executed in accordance with their obligation, they will always receive the governor's attention in all and for all, and that their particular merit will be reported to His Majesty. Dated July 30th, 1716. A certification by the notary corroborates that Pena and his party departed from St. Augustine on August 4th, 1716. During the absence of Pena, Governor Oliver died, his place being taken ad interim, on standing royal orders, by the Sergeant Major of the garrison, Don Juan de Ayala Escobar, who had similarly substituted on a former occasion. Under date of November 3rd, 1716, Governor de Ayala records the arrival of two Yamassee Indians who brought two letters and a diary from Lieu- tenant Pena, the former dated the 10th of September and the 28th of October, respectively. The letter of September 10th, written on the banks of the Ocklocknee river on the outward journey, affords but little not already recorded in the journal. It is of interest to note that he recognized the character of the storm which so impeded their progress through the pres- ent Jefferson county, as he says that "God sent us a Urucan of force that closed the roads to us". He states that he sent two Indians from San Juan de Guacara to advise that he was short of horses, who also carried an order from Chislacasliche to send six or seven horses, but as the state of the streams prevented, 10 strong men were sent to accompany them to the village of Chislacas- liche. He notes that foreign Indians have made a fort in the old chicazas of the Chiscas. The letter of October 28th, written from San Juan de Guacara on his return journey, states that he is ac- companied by twenty-six and expects to reach Picolata in eight days. He asks that canoes be ready for the cross- ing at that place and that a supply of biscuits await him there as his hunters lack ammunition. The narrative of the letter expands the journal account of the council at Apalachicolo, and introduces a few aspects not mentioned 9 PENA'S EXPEDITION 9 elsewhere. Although the journey revealed that Chis- lacasliche was not as consequential an Indian as the Spanish had believed, he nevertheless was encouraged to remain a Spanish partisan. The expedition revealed the dominant position of the casique of Cavetta (Cowe- ta) among the Chattahoochie bands. He is elsewhere identified by name as Y(s)lachamuque in these docu- ments and was known to the English as the Emperor Brims. He exhibited a neutral role in his diplomacy, playing the Spanish against the English, a policy that later was highly developed by Alexander McGillivray. Although apparently all of the subordinate chiefs pres- ent at the Apalachicolo council indicated an intention to render submission, Pena states that Yslachamuque did not express his personal opinions or publicly, at least, attempt to influence the meeting. He was quoted how- ever as having said that when he broke with the Eng- lish, he sent two principal men to St. Augustine, to ask pardon and favor of the governor, who returned with- out bearing a reply, from whence arose the confusion mentioned by Chislacasliche, which prevailed up to the time of Pena's visit. He further expressed the opinion that he did not regard the governor as responsible for the slight, but attributed the blame either to faulty in- terpretation, or neglect by his emissaries. He regarded the dispatch of Pena's mission within ten days after the arrival of the new governor as ample expression of the good will of the Spanish crown. The casique promised to send an Apalachean chief (probably the Adrian later mentioned) to render submission in his place. Pena re- ported that while at Cavetta a returning war party brought in four horses taken from four Englishmen whom they had slain, and that the English have a fort (probably Fort Moore near Savannah Town) 30 leagues from Carolina with a garrison of 300 men, the establish- ment of which was attributed to the discovery of a mine, either copper or gold. While tarrying at the village of Chislacasliche on the return journey he heard the report that half of the province of Chalaque (Cherokee) with 10 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 100 towns is desirous of peace with the Spanish, and are preparing a present of tobacco and pipes for the casique of Cavetta. The Chalaque are stated as not to be re- garded as warriors. They are described as devoted to the English, and he mentions that the Indians of Apala- chicolo and the Talapuses, daily bring in many pris- oners from there. The local harvests are described to have been good. The English are reported to be warn- ing the Indians to stay away from St. Augustine, but Pena declares that without force they cannot exact com- pliance. Pena further relates that on the day of his ar- rival in Apalachicolo he was sought out by two white girls who tearfully besought release from captivity. He effected their release on the promise of a ransom of 60 pesos in goods, and brought them back with him. On receipt of these letters, Governor ad interim de Ayala wrote to Pena informing him of the death of Gov- ernor Oliver. This was acknowledged by Pena in a letter written from Picolata, relating that owing to bad weather his crossing of the river was delayed, and ad- vising that he was accompanied by Chislacasliche and other Indians. Pena and his Indian companions were formally re- ceived in St. Augustine on November 9th, with as much ceremony and ostentation as circumstances permitted, doubtless exceeding anything heretofore witnessed on the streets of the already ancient city. The account is sufficiently particularized to merit extended considera- tion. On their entrance into the city they were met by a military escort and received with a salvo of artillery. The principal Indians and warriors came down the street dancing according to their custom, with the chiefs, who did not dance, in advance, who would at intervals, pause in their progress. In this manner they arrived at the governor's palace, where they were welcomed by the assembled judges, royal officials, retired captains of in- fantry and artillery, and a great concourse of people. At the gate of the palace was stationed a squad of 11 PENA'S EXPEDITION 11 infantry facing the street, who fired a volley while the of- ficials embraced the chiefs. The officials and chiefs then passed to the salon of the palace where the governor awaited them, who due to a recent illness had not been with the group at the palace gate. Here His Excellency the governor joyfully embraced the chiefs and principal Indians, at which time another volley was discharged. All having been seated in their chairs, His Excellency and the other officials, through the interpreter Antonio Perez, expressed their welcome. A response on behalf of the Indians was given through the interpreter by Chis- lacasliche, saying that they came as envoys from Y(s)la- chamuque, mico of the town of Cavetta, who for many days had desired to come to render submission to the King of Spain, which he had not done because of ignor- ance of the reception accorded his earlier emissaries by the predecessor of His Excellency, for although these returned to their villages, they never reported to the mico whether or not they were well received, as a conse- quence of which he was much vexed and displeased, with- out having that by which he could reassure his children and women. But now, with the coming of the Spaniards to that province they were resuscitated, and cast off the displeasure which they had felt, and are now corrected in their opinions, and have found and seen that which they desire. The mico of Cavetta places at the feet of His Majesty and His Excellency seven provinces, render- ing vassallage for the seven which are subject to him, whose friendship and obedience will endure to the end of time. According to Chislacasliche and Adrian, the absence of the other chiefs of those provinces from the presidio, is due to the great shortages prevailing in their villages, for which reasons they have sent their principal men. On their conclusion, His Excellency expressed in the name of His Majesty, that he would offer them on his part, all possible aid and assistance, an object which is of great concern to His Majesty, as much for their en- couragement as for their assistance, and that they could be much cheered, as was His Excellency, in having seen 12 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY and thanked them for the good treatment accorded the Spanish embassy, which he would relate to His Majesty. With this conclusion, His Excellency ordered that sweet- meats, wine and rum be served, and made a toast to the King, whereupon a volley of musketry was fired. After a prolonged pause, the Indians asked permission to re- tire outside and dance in the patio. Taking chairs and taburettes, the royal officials and captains went and sat down with the chiefs, and the warriors danced joyfully, and when they had danced for half an hour, His Excel- lency ordered that they be again treated with sweets and rum, which was done with much generosity. Finally His Excellency ordered the judges and royal officials to find them shelter, and stated that he would help with all that was needed. The Treasurer of the Royal Hacienda, Captain Don Joseph de Pedroso, took them to his house and entertained them further, and had, until shelter was found them, twenty-two persons with two casiques. The Indians appear to have remained as guests of the government until about November 26th, as on that date Governor de Ayala issued a commission conferring the title of Generalissimo on the mico of the great pro- vince of Apalachicolo, with a message that on request he would be glad to establish a garrison of infantry, and supply arms and ammunition. These were accom- panied by presents of a length of red cloth, a blanket, and an arroba of powder and one of ball. The episode closes with an official interrogation of all members of the Spanish party, to ascertain the ex- tent of their corroboration of Pena's narrative. Need- less to say, this was complete. The governor was evi- dently pleased with Pena's services, as in the following year he was sent on another mission to Apalachicolo. THE JOURNAL Journal of the journey to Apalachee and to the pro- vince of Apalachicolo ordered made by the Governor and Captain General Don Pedro de Oliver y Fullana, 13 PENA'S EXPEDITION 13 Major General of the Royal Armies, Governor and Cap- tain General of the Presidio of San Augustin and of all the provinces of its jurisdiction, by His Majesty. 1) [First day of journey] On the said day, month and year [4th August, 1716] I left the presidio of the said San Augustin, and camped at the place they call EL PAJON, two leagues distant. 2) On the 5th day I left the said place and camped at the RIO DE PICALATTA 2 which is at five leagues [dis- tance]. In this day's travel are encountered four creeks three of which are small, the other, which is large, they call DE LA BARIA 3. 3) The 6th day was spent awaiting the Indians who were going in my company. They arrived in the after- noon in a canoe. I went in search of another so that the horses could be taken quickly across, but could not find one. This day the baggage was ferried to the other side of the river, and I camped in PUPO on the [west] bank of the said river. 4) On the 7th day, due to lack of other transport, I was occupied in ferrying the beasts in a canoe. 5) On the 8th day I left PUPO, and camped at mid- day at the creek DESIANAYBITTA, off the road. Two creeks were crossed. I marched [andube=andaba] three leagues, more or less. 6) On the 9th day I left the said situation and camped at RIO DE BLANCO 4, only two leagues distant, be- cause three Indians were sick. 7) On the 10th day I left RIO BLANCO and camped at TOAPUTARE 5. One crosses a large creek they call AJANOY- BITTA 6, and another which they call APIRAYVITTA 6, while another (which) they call AFANOYVITACHIRICO 7 8, is skirted. 1. "The stubble field" 2. St. Johns river. 3. Name given to a Cuban tree, Cordia gerascantoides, H. B. & K. The only Florida species, C. sebestina, L., is limited to the keys and adjacent mainland. This name is obviously misapplied. 4. Headwaters of Green's creek. 5. George's lake. 6, Headwaters of Rice creek. 7, Headwater of Ates creek. 8, In Timucuan, chirico means little, hence this name be- comes "Little Afanoyvita", the root probably being the same as in 14 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY I marched (only) two leagues because all the beasts had sore mouths (aftorando?). 8) On the 11th day I left TOAPUTARE. Here a beast accidentally ran a stick into its breast. Camped at PEPAYVITTA 9, four leagues. 9) On the 12th day I left PEPAYVITTA and made camp at a spot near the road from SAN FRANCISCO 10, about three leagues. Two creeks were crossed, the first ACUILA 1l, the other TAFOCIUA 12. 10) On the 13th day I left this spot, to camp at an- other place they call AMACA 13, which is a large lake. This day I marched three leagues. Two creeks were crossed, the one they call CAYATACO 14, the other CAMALACA 15. This locality has much game. On arrival there was seen from the camp a bull with the brand of LACHUA 16. We immedi- ately killed it. The Indians killed two buffalo (sibolos), two cows and four deer. 11) On the 14th day I remained in this camp, in order to rest the beasts. Two cows were killed this day. 12) On the 15th day I left the said AMACA, and with- out a road set out for a hammock (monte) near the ycapacha 17 of SANTA FE 18. This day we marched four leagues, because we knew we were lost. 13) On the 16th day I left this spot and camped at the RIO DE SANTA FE. On this day I marched three leagues as a consequence of our error, as from AMACA to Santa Fe is no more than four leagues, and two from SANTA FE to the said RIO DE SANTA FE 19. 14) The 17th day I camped at AFECTAPALINO, after [traveling] two leagues. 15) The 18th day I remained at this camp because of the heavy rain. the second name preceding. (J. R. Swanton). 9, Either-Putnam or Ashley Prairie, or alternatively the north end of Half Moon lake. 10, About 3 miles west of Melrose. Evidently they diverged from the San Francisco trail. 11, N. branch Etoma. 12, Creek connecting Lake Brill with Santa Fe lake. 13, Lake Newman. 14, Head of Lochloosa. 15, Hatchet creek. 16, Alachua. 17, Since the word ycapacha prevails in Timucuan territory, it is likely a Timucuan word. In this event it is likely that yca is the same as hica, the Timucuan word for town. (J. R. S.) 18, Santa Fe river northwest of Traxler. 19, At the natural bridge. 15 PENA'S EXPEDITION 15 16) The 19th day I left the said place and camped at the ycapacha of SAN MARTIN 20. This day I marched two leagues. 17) The 20th day I remained at the said ycapacha because it was raining heavily and the Indians wished to hunt as we had no provisions. Here three buffalo and six deer were killed. 18) The 21st day I left the said site and camped at a place they call AQUILACHUA. This day I marched five leagues. In this days march no creeks were encountered, but there are good springs of water, the first [is] named USICHUA, the other USIPARACHUA, and another AFANOCHUA. 19) The 22nd I left the said place to camp at the first ycapacha of SAN JUAN DE GUACARA. In this ycapacha are good springs of water. From CALACALA which is on the bank of this RIO DE GUACARA 21, one travels in sight of the river as far as CHITONAVAJUNO. This CHITONAVAJUNO is a spring of water which has connection with another spring of water. 20) The 23rd day I left the ycapacha and camped on the [other side of the] RIO DE SAN JUAN DE GUACARA, two leagues. 21) The 24th day I remained at this spot in order to rest the animals, which were much fatigued from swim- ming the river, which although not very wide, now has a strong current. It is about a pistol shot in width. There is much game, deer and buffalo, hereabouts. They killed two buffalo and four deer, and caught many fish. Today a runner was sent to the villages, Chi[s]laca[s]liche 22 telling his brother we were going afoot with tired beasts, [and] for him to lend us six horses, which I would re- turn on arrival at the villages. All this land is elevated, there are no thick Woods, but good watering places. The only drawback is that the roads are obliterated by the fallen timber which has lodged in them. 20, One league east of the Itchetucknee spring. 21, Suwannee river. 22, Since the Muscogee and Apalachee languages have no "r", it is likely that Chi[s]laca[s]liche is the individual otherwise known as Cherokeeleechee, or "Cherokee killer". He is known to have had, at one time, a village in the forks of the river. (J. R. S.) 16 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY 22) The 25th day I camped at a large lake which they call OCOCO. From the river to the said OCOCO is three leagues. In this days travel crossed two creeks, the one is CONSEPCION, the other they call USYBITTA. At this place are many buffalo. Here two were killed. All high ground. 23) The 26th day I left the said place of OCOCO and camped at LAS PUENTES, which is three leagues. Two lakes are crossed, the one GUIBENAYOA, the other TICOSORIVA. There are many buffalo. Here two were killed. 24) The 27th day I left LAS PUENTES and camped at the entrance of the ycapacha of SAN PEDRO. To the first, one marches two leagues. Two buffalo and three deer were killed. Many are the buffalo which have withdrawn to this region. 25) On the 28th day we remained at this camp, be- cause of the excessively bad weather which drenched (cofio) us with water. This day were killed two buffalo and six deer. 26) The 29th day we remained in this place because the bad weather worsened, with such violent rain, wind, thunder and lightening, that it appeared as the end of the world, because the trees with the weakened (no- berse?) roots immediately crashed, so that I understand that not a single pole or tree remained erect. It calmed on the second day in the afternoon. Sixteen deer were killed this day. 27) The 30th day we left this place and made camp in the hammock (monte) of SAN PEDRO, which is a very thick hammock. Here it was laborious to clear a passage, since we imitated San Bartholome el mudar la piel that was about half a league in length. We marched two leagues. Three buffalo were killed. 28) The first day of September [sic] I left this place and camped at the ycapacha of SAN MATHEO. We march- ed five leagues, since often we were obliged to retrace our steps because of fallen timber. 29) The 2nd day I left the said spot and went to the RIO DE ASILE 23. I found it so swollen that the beasts 23, Aucilla river. 17 PENA'S EXPEDITION 17 were obliged to swim the flood. It was very laborious to open a road here. In this river my horse was drowned, and I narrowly escaped, because in leading it into the river by the halter, the current caught us and forced us down on a tree, toppled by the weather, which had fal- len in midstream, in the branches of which I could not avoid entanglement. I camped near the ycapacha of ASILE after much labor, because all of the thick ham- mock had been blown to the ground. After much labor we covered two leagues. 30) The 3rd day I left the said spot and camped near the creek of YBITACHUCO where we remained all of the day in opening a road, so thick was the timber on the ground. The extremes and excesses of the weather are unbelievable que no queda rexion in the maze, as if it wished to see if it could hinder my passage, in order to deprive me of the opportunity to serve the two crowns. This day I marched one league. 31) On the 4th day I remained at this place, because of the heavy rain, since the clothing already had fallen in pieces from our bodies, as day and night it has been raining excessively upon us, and if there be added wind, water, mosquitoes and ticks, [it] appears imprudent [to prosecute] a similar journey. God help us. 32) The 5th day I camped at AYUBALE, leaving behind the ycapacha of YBITACHUCO, which from chicaza 24 to chicaza is one league. Today marched one league. 33) The 6th day I left the beforementioned ycapacha, and camped at that of PATALE, passing the ycapacha of CAPOLE. This place of PATALE is where the Reverend Fa- ther fray Manuel de Mendoza sacrificed his life, finish- ing his life preaching the Holy Evangels. There were also martyrized many Spaniards and Indians by fire, [who] when they screamed, were mocked. Four soldiers died as martyrs. God forgive them. I cannot exaggerate 24, It is interesting to note the substitution of the word chicaza for ycapacha shortly after passing from what was previously Timucuan into Apalachee territory. It is suspected that they have the same significance. From the context they would appear to mean "old town" or "old fields". (J. R. S.) 18 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY the severity of the weather which we experience to our great confusion. I mention here that which was seen in the chicaza of CAPOLE, which is that the wind broke a pine of moderate size in the middle, and the half of the tree was caught without falling more than four fathoms, making a furrow like that of a plow, a thing incredible, even to the Indians. They are thinking that God is aiding us. 34) The 7th day I left PATALE and camped at the chicaza of SAN LUIS, which is three leagues, passing on this march the chicaza of TOMOLE and that of LA TAMA this day. Three buffalo were killed. These chicazas abound in cattle, especially buffalo. The chicazas [are] rich in fruit trees, such as figs, peaches, pomgranates, quinces, medlars, chestnuts and acorns. I now specifically summarize the leagues covered from the presidio of SAN AUGUSTIN to the place of SAN LUIS which is as follows: From the said presidio to the RIO DE SALAMOTOTO 25 is ten leagues, from the river to SANTA FE is twenty leagues; from SANTA FE to SAN PEDRO, is thirty leagues ; because to the RIO DE GUACARA is twenty with ten to SAN PEDRO. From SAN PEDRO to the site of SAN LUIS is twenty, which makes eighty. Today it is much more, because of the difficult road. 35) The 8th day I left SAN LUIS and camped at the large prairie (mayoa, nalloa) of OCALQUIBE 26, which ex- tends for more than a league. On the prairie there were seen more than three hundred cattle [rezes,] buffalo and a few cows. Five buffalo, two cows and eleven deer were killed. I wish to mention the characteristics of buf- falo and domestic cattle. Be it known that the difference is slight between the buffalo [sibolo] and cattle [rez bacuna]. There is however difference, in that cattle have hair, and buffalo, wool. The horn of the buffalo is small and thick, resembling those of a goat. The buffalo is high in the forequarters, but similar, and breeds just like cattle. Now the flesh is better than that of the cow, the 25, St. Johns river. 26, Lake Jackson prarie. 19 PENA'S EXPEDITION 19 fat is thinner and is tinged with yellow, and has the flavor of mutton. 36) The 9th day we remained at this place because of the widespread water. On this day arrived twelve men sent by the casique, that they might conduct us carefully to his village of SAVACOLA 27. The brother of Chi[s]la- ca[s]liche sent me a message to say that the beasts were not sent because the rivers are flooded. 37) The 10th day I left this place and made camp at the chicaza of SCAMBE 28. The crossing of the RIO DE LAGNA 29 was laborious, as one had to swim a quarter of a league, requiring all of one day for the crossing, since all of the channels were full. For this a boat was made from a green buffalo hide. The hide with its gunwales, ribs and stem holds three persons, or more than a dozen arrobas of baggage. This day marched one league. Two cattle were killed, which is the provision we brought, because the bread gave out on the second of September. 38) The 11th day I left from the referred site, and camped near a pond. This day marched four leagues, crossing the RIO DE PALOS 30, which has much hammock on both sides. The river is more or less a stone throw in width. A raft of logs was made [for crossing]. Here were killed a bull, two cows and a large deer. We also crossed a large hammock of about half a league in dia- meter. The undergrowth in it was not very thick, and in part occupies low ground. This route is the old road to SAVACOLA. 39) The 12th day we left the spot mentioned and camped at a creek 31. This day we marched four leagues. A buffalo and two cows were killed. We crossed four creeks, three of which had steep wooded ravines. 41-46). The 13th day we arrived at the river of this village of the casique Paypa Mico 32. In order to arrive at the river 33 we crossed a large canebrake. This day marched one league and crossed the river which they call RIO DE PEDERNALES 33. Here the two rivers, 27, Sawokli. (J. R. S.) 28, Escambe. 29, Ocklocknee river. 30, Little river. 31, Perhaps Mosquito creek. 32, Evidently the brother of Chi[s]laca[s]liche. 33, Flint river. 20 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY the PEDERNALES and the APALACHICOLO 34 are confluent. The one and the other have the breadth of a pistol shot. From the said river to the village is about half a league. On arrival I was taken to the bujio or house of assem- bly. They made me make my abode on some benches they had made for the purpose, which were carpeted with buffalo skins. There came the chief, principal men and warriors, who gave us welcome [norabuena] and I in the name of His Majesty and of the Governor, gave them to understand why I came, for which they gave profuse thanks, and discharged their guns once or twice, honoring [adamando] the King, our Lord (whom God protect). They told me that they had developed a strong desire to see the Spaniards in their land, which they had looked forward to for many years. They performed several kinds of dances in expression of their good faith. They told me that in the other villages existed the same desire. When I arrived a courier with news of my ar- rival had already been sent to the other villages, where he should have arrived by the 14th day. God permit that they may be brought to our Holy Faith. 47) I left this place of Chi[s]laca[s]liche, which is in the chicaza of a village which belonged to the SABACOLAS, on the 20th day, having arrived on the 13th. This same day I camped in a small hammock. All the ground covered in this day's journey is good, high, and unbroken by creeks. I marched about five leagues. 35 34. Chattahoochie river. 35. The site of the village of Chiscasliche has not been identified, but it is likely that its situation was above ordinary floods, which is possibly above the 70 foot contour. As a probable point of departure, it has been assumed that the village site was near the southernmost extension of this contour. From this point to his crossing from the east to the west bank of the Chattahoochee river, Pena gives a very circumstantial account of his route. The camp on the night of the 51st day was at "a river with steep banks and little water", which must be Pataula creek in Clay county, Georgia. Assuming that his route closely followed the present back roads paralleling the river, shown on the 1 inch to 1000 feet aerial maps of the U. S. Engineers Topographic Survey of the Chattahoochee river (1943), it appears that leagues having the equivalent of 2.5 miles, would bring him to Pataula creek, with marches each day of the recorded length. On the 47th and 48th days, his route was nearly exclusively 21 PENA'S EXPEDITION 21 48) The 21day I left the said spot and spent the night at the sexa of a hammock. This day's journey comprised six leagues, more or less. Good ground, high, without ravines or undergrowth, without road, a buen tiro y discurso, lying between the rivers PEDERNALES and APALACHICOLO. 49) The 22nd day I left the mentioned site, and camped for the night at a ravine, having traversed three hammocks, and crossed six creeks, of which one is miry [suniga = cienaga] and is passed on foot, the others are not difficult. This day I marched seven leagues. 50) The 23rd day I left the place mentioned and made camp at a deep ravine, having crossed six deep ravines with bottoms broken by deep holes. This day I marched ten leagues. 51) The 24th day I left the spot described, and spent the night at a river with steep banks and little water, because of the extreme drought which has prevailed here. The ground much broken. This day I marched per- haps three leagues. Six buffalo were killed. 52) I left the mentioned site on the 25th day, and made camp on some prairies which are on this [west] through Seminole county; on the 49th day, Kirkland and Sowhat- chee creeks were among the six negotiated in Early county. The march on the 50th terminated with a camp near the site of Fort Gaines in Clay county, and the six creeks crossed may have been Coheelee, Freeman's, Odom, Factory, Colomokee, and Roaring, the others probably being headed. The short journey of the 51st day took him to the bank of the Pataula, after crossing Cemochechobes and Sandy creeks. The route from the vicinity of Fort Gaines to Georgetown and beyond, closely followed the course of present State Road 39. The journey on the 52nd day appears to have been a forced march, and took him from Clay, through Quitman and into Stewart county. It is assumed that the river was probably not crossed until they were about abreast of the Apalachean settlement where they spent the night, at about the end of the day's journey, at a point adjacent to Road creek. This would have brought him into the northeast corner of Barbour county, Alabama, where an extended elevated river terrace would correspond with prairie he mentions. The journey on the 53rd day, which was short, brought him to the village of Savacola (Sabacola, the Sawokli of Swanton), which according to Peter A. Brannon, was south of the mouth of Hatcheechubbee creek, in Russell county. He does not give the distance travelled to reach Apalachicolo (Apalatchukla), which according to Brannon, was southeast of Fort Mitchell, near Uchee creek. 22 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY side of the river, belonging to some Christian Apalachee Indians. These have had a bountiful harvest of corn, beans, pumpkins, as well as the fruits of the forest, such as the chestnuts, acorns, medlars, as well as buffalo. Today I marched twelve league. The ground is much broken. I crossed the river in a canoe. The river has breadth of a pistol shot, with steep banks and strong currents. It discharges in the sea along with the PEDER- NALES, which it joins, as I have related, at the site of Chi[s]laca[s]liche. 53) The 26th day I left these prairies and went to the village of SAVACOLA, which is distant from the prairies of the village, a matter of two leagues. From this place and village, the casique, principal men and tascayos which are their warriors, came out to meet me. They seated me on a bench near the bujio or royal house. There they gave me the general [expressions of cour- tesy] which I reciprocated. Later, after having made known to them the purposes of my journey, they gave a discharge of firearms and cheered our King (whom God protect). With much rejoicing they lead me to the royal house, which is a gallery, and entertained me much. They have, and are making, very good houses, some covered with shingles, others with bark, and for them, culatas of clay, and others of shingles, and make with skill strong houses with small windows. 54) On the 27th day I left the said village, and passed the night at a small farm [jatillo] of the casique of APALACHICOLO and of some Apalachean Indians. They en- tertained me much. Immediately on arrival at the said farm, I sent a courier to the village of APALACHICOCO, in- forming them that on the following day I would arrive, since I had previously asked that all the casiques and principal men gather at the said place of APALACHICOLO, that there the conference would be held, which was done in all the villages which render a submission to our King (whom God protect). 55) I left the said farm on the 28th day for the vil- lage of APALACHICOLO. From the farm to the village is 23 PENA'S EXPEDITION 23 two leagues. There I found all of the casiques, and prin- cipal men of this province who came out to receive me, as they later did in the other villages. These, after hav- ing rendered to me their obedience, made many dis- chargs of their firearms, acclaiming our King, and ac- knowledging their submission to him. This day I called the conference, and gave them to understand through the Apalachean interpreter, the Ensign Don Diego de Florencia, the instructions and orders of the governor, and presented a dozen flint lock muskets and three arrobas of powder with the proper proportion of balls. In the village of Apalachicolo on the 28th day of September of this year of one thousand seven hundred and sixteen, by me, the Lieutenant Diego Pena, retired, of the presidio of San Augustin of Florida, leader of this expedition to Apalachicolo, accompanied by three [sic] privates of infantry, by [order of] the Governor and Captain General Don Pedro de Oliver y Fullana, Major General of the Royal Armies, present Governor and Captain General of the city of San Augustin and these provinces by His Majesty: Having called a conference of the casiques and principal men, and given them to understand the orders of Your Lordship through the interpreter above named, and having heard and under- stood, they unanimously replied that they will conform to and obey all of the orders which Your Lordship may be pleased to send them, and that they will render obe- dience and give submission to Our King and Lord, which is their wish, and without doubt their desire, and of their gratitude for the arms and munitions which Your Lordship was pleased to favor them, which were im- mediately distributed by each casique among his war- riors in an orderly manner, saying further these war- riors are those who defend their villages; and in that which relates to giving obedience to the King Our Lord, they might have done it many days [earlier], but they did not have motive, having [already] sent [their] word to the predecessor of the said governor. Those who flee 24 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY to their neutral villages [from] where they are much oppressed, without knowing the road to choose for the protection of their children [are sheltered] without ex- planation. They said they have been made happy by my visit, and only lack words to express the fortune they have had, they only can say that it will show them the way, that my visit has made it appear as if they might have been actually in a cell or dungeon without sight of light, from which my arrival had liberated them, and in that which relates to the removal of their villages to the province of Apalachee, they will do as Your Lord- ship will order, to where may be agreed upon and may be served, thanking Our King and Lord for the favor of the increase of their villages and their welfare, and that the peace will endure until the end of the world, and that immediately they will begin to make canoes for their descent. This was expressed by the casique of Cavetta, to whom all render submission, who placed at the feet of Your Majesty all of this independent pro- vince. He said that he places and renders vassalage to Your Majesty seven provinces which are subject to his order and authority. With regard to the province of TALAPUSES, which is populous, I as well as the casique of Cavetta, immediately sent word of our arrival, and said that all who come would be pleased and contented. With regard to my proposals [he said] these are the casiques who would and should [go] to the presidio to give submission, and that they would give it whole heartedly, but in order not to disobey, because the said casigues cannot go, he will order each village to send two warriors in place of the said casiques, because there is much scarcity of provisions in their villages, on return to their settlements, they will separate im- mediately and go to other territories because of this scarcity, but that as soon as supplied they will descend. [They promised] that they will give an account of the able bodied men and of arms, which each village pos- sesses, which I require for a review of all of the villages of the province. And for verification of all that is here 25 PENA'S EXPEDITION 25 related, I sign it in the presence of my companions, which is done on the said day, month and year. DIEGO PENA For not knowing [mark] BARTHOLOMO RAMIRES ARRUEGO DIEGO DE FLORENCIA FRANCISCO DOMINGUES I went to CAVETTA the 2nd day of October, which is six leagues distant. To go to CAVETTA one goes to the village of ACHITO, from ACHITO to OCMULQUE, from OCMULQUE to UCHI, from UCHI to TASQUIQUE, from TAS- QUIQUE to CASISTA, from CASISTA to CAVETTA, from CAVETTA to CHAVAJAL. This province has ten villages. The first is that of CHILACALICHE [Chislacasliche], the next SAVACOLA, another APALACHICOLO, then ACHITTO, another OCMULQUE, then UCHI, with CASISTA, then CAVETTA and CHAVAGALE. Report of the warriors in each village: Firstly, the place of Chilacaliche has 80 The village of Savacola has 84 Apalachicolo 173 Achito 54 Ocumulque 58 Uchi 106 Tasquique 28 Casista 64 Cavetta 62 Chavagali 36 46 The village of UCHI has a speech different from the others, since there [are] for it not more than two or 36. It must be remembered that these villages in the great bend of the Chattahoochee river, were just re-established on this area during the previous year, when as a consequence of the Yamassee War, these bands forsook the sites they had occupied on the Ockmulgee river for a quarter of a century, after their exodus from this identical region in resentment over the high-handed treatment ac- corded them by Antonio Matheos. Pena states that Cavetta was six leagues distant, presumably from Apalachicolo, between which termini, were located five other villages. The name of the village given as located beyond Cavetta, Chavagale, may be regarded as an orthographic variant of Sawokli. 26 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY three interpreters. Tasquique has the diamaza 37. The remaining villages have the same speech, except SAVACOLA, which is distinct, but they speak Apalachian. In this province are many of the Apalachian nation, a few [cortas] ALAFAYES 38, and some TIMUCUANS 39 as well as the MOCAMA 39 who also have arms. Their leaders do not mention any more distinct [tongues]. In their villages many women abound. Thus in the village of Cavetta, after it became a village of our ad- herants, more than one hundred and thirty of those who were loyal to the English were gathered up, and the men appear fewer, about thirty. The English faction sought them and many escaped and I believe all will flee to the English. All of these villages are on the bank of the RIO APALA- CHICOLO, all a land of canebrakes, the best lands I have seen. Some of their habitations are covered with pine bark, others with small shingles, and plastered with clay [embarados] below. This RIO DE APALACHICOLO discharges in the sea, it is of great current. In that presidio [San Augustin] there are those who are well informed about this province, such as the Cap- tain Don Francisco Romo, the Captain Don Juan Ruiz Mexia, who have journeyed in it. Today there is found a small farm 40 where once was fort, that from this farm of cattle to the village is two leagues, more or less. 37. Perhaps intended for Yameza (Yamassee). The Tasquique (Tus- kegee) had a language distinct from Muskogee. Cavetta (Coweta) and Casista (Kasihta) spoke Muskogee. Present information indi- cates that all the others spoke Hitchiti. (J. R. S.) 38. I do not place these (J. R. S.) 39. These may have united to form the town of Osochi. (J. R. S.) 40. This small farm is evidently the site where he spent the night of the 54th day. The mention of a former fort on this farm probably refers to the fort built near Apalachicolo in 1689 on order of Gov- ernor Quiroga, by Captain Primo de Rivera, in which was stationed a force of 20 soldiers and 20 Apalachee Indians under Fabian de Angulo. 27 PENA'S EXPEDITION 27 This diary was kept in compliance with the obliga- tions placed on me by the orders of the Governor Don Pedro de Oliver y Fullana, Major General of the Royal Armies of His Majesty, Governor and Captain General of San Augustin of Florida and of its provinces. In this village of Cavetta, on the 30th of September of this year of one thousand seven hundred and sixteen. In testimony of the above related. DIEGO PENA 28 The Political Activity of the Freedmen's Bureau in Florida by George R. Bentley In its first five months the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands was completely in- active in Florida. An assistant commissioner - that is, state head of the Bureau - was appointed early enough, but he had charge also of Georgia and South Carolina, and he limited both his interests and his activities to the Palmetto State. He was General Rufus Saxton, an ardent abolitionist and a long-time protege of Salmon P. Chase. 1 During most of the war he had been in charge of the Sea Islands Experiment with free Negro labor. 2 In the early months of the Freedmen's Bureau he used his office as assistant commissioner to continue his work on the Sea Islands, but did little more, assigning only three men to do the work of the Bureau on the mainland of South Carolina, only two for all Georgia, and none at all for Florida. 3 Partly because of Saxton's negligence, in September 1865 new assistant commissioners were appointed for Georgia and Florida. The one for Florida was Colonel Note. This paper was presented in large part before the annual meeting of the Florida Historical Society in April last. 1. In a speech to the Negroes at Zion Church, Charleston, on May 12, 1865, Saxton said. "I want the colored men in this department to petition the President of the United States and Congress for the right to exercise the elective franchise . . . ." The Charleston Courier, May 13, 1865. He believed that, "The late master knows less of the negro's character than any other person." Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, part II, 219. 2. Albert Bushnell Hart in his Salmon Portland Chase, page 260, says that Stanton appointed Saxton to this position at the request of Chase. 3. Joseph S. Fullerton to Oliver O. Howard, July 22, 1865, in Records of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands (MSS in the National Archives, War Records Division, Record Group no. 105), National Office, Assistant Adjutant General's Office, Letters Received. (Hereinafter records of this office will be cited simply as "Bureau Records" ; other records of the Bureau will be cited with specific reference to the office to which they pertain, as "Bureau Records, Quartermaster's Office," or "Bureau Records for Florida.") Fullerton to Absalom Baird, August 16, 1865, in Bureau Records, Letters Sent Book, 1:229; Clinton B. Fisk to Howard, September 2, 1865, ibid., Letters Received. Fuller- ton was a Bureau inspector; Fisk was one of the Bureau's assist- ant commissioners; Howard was its head. 29 FREEDMEN's BUREAU IN FLORIDA 29 Thomas W. Osborn, who previously had been assigned to head the Bureau in Alabama. That state now went to a more important personage, General Wager Swayne, the son of an associate justice on the Supreme Court of the United States. 4 Osborn, unlike both Swayne and Saxton, was not one of Secretary Stanton's appointees to the Bureau, 5 and in 1865 he was inexperienced in politics and prob- ably not strong in his party convictions. Before the war he had been a Douglas Democrat studying law in New York state. 6 From Gettysburg until General Johnston's surrender to Sherman, Osborn had served as chief of artillery under General Oliver O. Howard. His position in the Bureau was Commissioner Howard's reward to "a quiet, unobtrusive officer of quick decision and of pure life." 7 In Florida Osborn soon demonstrated that he had learned well the military lesson of cooperating closely with his superiors in the policies they laid down. He was as capable of getting along with Democrats in 1866 as he was of leading Republicans in later years. He was as severe towards the Negroes before their enfranchise- ment as his organization was generous to them after that event. He was the only assistant commissioner in the Bureau to reduce himself practically to the status of a staff officer under the department commanding gen- eral. Elsewhere there was much controversy and juris- dictional conflict between the Bureau and the regular military-but not in Florida. 8 And, happily for that 4. Circular letters of June 13 and September 19, 1865, in Bureau Rec- ords, Circulars and Circular Letters, 7, 18; Oliver O. Howard, Autobiography of Oliver Otis Howard (2 vols. New York, 1907), 2:217. 5. Stanton virtually directed several of the appointments, and was careful to see that the bureau was in the hands of persons not unfriendly to the Radical Republicans. 6. The Washington Chronicle, July 2, 1868. 7. Howard, Autobiography, 2:218. 8. Howard's First Annual Report, December 18, 1865, in House Execu- tive Documents, 39 Congress, 1 session, no. 11 (serial 1255) 27 ; Howard, Autobiography, 2:227-228 ; Foster's general orders number 35, June 11, 1866, in Bureau Records for Florida, Special Orders and Circulars, 113. 30 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY state, the commanding general, John G. Foster, usually cooperated well with the civil authorities. 9 Therefore, Osborn did too. He and Foster would not permit the courts to punish Negroes at the whipping post or in the stocks, 10 but on at least one occasion Foster fur- nished a Southern planter with soldier overseers who hung Negroes by the thumbs to make them do the work demanded of them. 11 Osborn enforced the vagrancy laws against freedmen and threatened to make them move from one part of the state to another where their labor was more needed. 12 Several years later, one of the Ne- groes under Osborn's care expressed his opinion that until the black men could vote most Bureau agents in Florida treated them more harshly than did the local authorities. 13 Therefore, from the beginning to the end of his ad- ministration Osborn received the plaudits of local con- servative newspapers. Their editors deplored the exis- tence of the Bureau, but delighted in the fact that in Florida it was headed by a man like Osborn. 14 Similarly, in June 1866, President Andrew Johnson's Bureau-bait- ing investigators, Generals Steedman and Fullerton, had only favorable things to report about Osborn. They 9. The Tallahassee Sentinel, March 3, 1866; ibid., March 31, 1866, quoting the Quincy Commonwealth; William Watson Davis, The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida (New York, 1913), 357, 368. 10. The Tallahassee Floridian, February 6, 1866. General Foster and Governor David S. Walker agreed that Negroes sentenced in civil courts should be punished by the military at the rate of one day's hard labor with ball and chain per stripe or per two minutes' pillory time. The Floridian objected to any interference with the operation of the civil laws, but thought the arrangement was fair. The Tallahassee Sentinel believed it would work. (February 6, 1866). 11. Susan Bradford Eppes, The Negro of the Old South, A Bit of Period History (Chicago, 1925), 124-125. 12. Bureau Records for Florida, Special Orders and Circulars, 19-23, 47 (circulars of November 15, 1865, and January 16, 1866) ; Osborn to Howard, February 19, 1866, with enclosures, in Bureau Records, Letters Received. 13. John Wallace, Carpetbag Rule in Florida . . . . (Jacksonville, 1888), 41-42. 14. The Tallahassee Floridian, April 24 and May 25, 1866; the Talla- hassee Sentinel, February 19, 1867; Davis, Civil War and Recon- struction in Florida, 380. 31 FREEDMEN'S BUREAU IN FLORIDA 31 liked the friendliness existing between civil authorities and the Florida Bureau; they approved Osborn's apti- tude for cooperating with the military forces; and they were pleased by what they mistook for loyal support of the President's policy by Osborn. 15 However, even before Steedman and Fullerton fin- ished their tour of investigation, Congress passed over the veto a bill extending the life of the Bureau and mak- ing of it a strong weapon for the Radical Republicans to use in their fight to control the South. 16 Then the No- vember elections resulted in substantial Radical major- ities in both houses of Congress. Probably as a direct reflection of these national events, the Bureau in Flor- ida began moving rapidly in the direction of Radicalism. General Foster had now become assistant commis- sioner for the state, as well as department commander. Osborn, whose removal was merely part of Commis- sioner Howard's new policy of subordinating his Bu- reau more directly to the regular military, 17 stayed on for a time as Foster's staff officer, then accepted a lucrative and influential office in Salmon Chase's Flor- ida organization. 18 In three of his six monthly reports Osborn's successor emphasized the growing influence of Northerners on the economy and politics of Florida and the importance of Bureau support to Yankee settlers in the state. More former officers of the Union armies were planting near Tallahassee than in any other local- ity, reported Foster, but "numbers" of them were "scattered over the state." "This interest," concluded the Bureau official, "with that of other Northerners investing in the lumber business is fast increasing and 15. The Tallahassee Floridian, June 8 and 28, 1866; Steedman to John- son, June 26, 1866, in the Andrew Johnson Papers (MSS in the Library of Congress), volume 96. 16. Congressional Globe, 39 Congress, 1 session, 3413, 3842, 3851. 17. Howard to Osborn, March 13, 1866, in Bureau Records, Letters Sent Books, 2:107; Howard to Foster, March 13, 1866, ibid., 105; Howard to Stanton, April 4, 1866, ibid., 137. 18. Foster's general orders number 35, June 11, 1866, in Bureau Records for Florida, Special Orders and Circulars, 113. Osborn's new office was Federal Commissioner of Bankruptcy. Davis, Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida, 543. 32 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY will soon become powerful-If protected it will in a few years obtain the entire political control of the State- For this purpose [!] and for the protection of the freed- men it will be necessary to maintain a military force here for one or two years longer-in fact it is a vital necessity that this be so upon national grounds alone- This force need not be large, a few regiments directed by good officers being a sufficient exponent anywhere of the power of the Government." 19 The political importance of Northerners in Florida was further attested by Foster's successor, the fourth assistant commissioner for the state, Colonel John T. Sprague. On March 31, 1867, Colonel Sprague informed Commissioner Howard that military reconstruction was very beneficial to the freedmen and that if it were "properly directed" Negro suffrage would also be help- ful. He feared that the white Floridians would try to control the colored men's vote "by kindness, fraud, or intimidation," but he proposed to protect the freedmen in the exercise of their rights. They were, he concluded, generally inclined to follow the political leadership of Northerners in the state. On October 1 he reported the results of his efforts to direct and protect the new voters. He had registered 15,441 of them as against 11,151 white men, and he had "taken measures for their quiet instruction, through the medium of sub-assistants, in their rights and duties under the reconstruction acts." 20 So far as their mere "rights and duties" were concerned, the instruction of the freedmen need not have been "quiet." Probably Sprague's instructions, how- ever, were as much concerned with partisan politics as they were with the mere mechanics of voting-that would account for their being made quietly. Certainly the Freedmen's Bureau in Alabama, Louisiana, and 19. Foster's report of July, n.d., 1866, in Bureau Records for Florida, Letters Sent. See also Foster's reports of August 10, 1866, and Sep- tember 14, 1866, both in Bureau Records, Letters Received. 20. Sprague to Howard, March 31 and June 5, 1867, both in Bureau Records, Letters Received; Sprague to Howard, October 1, 1867, excerpt in House Reports, 41 Congress, 2 session, no. 121 (serial 1438), 47. 33 FREEDMEN'S BUREAU IN FLORIDA 33 Virginia was working actively for the Republican party in this period. 21 And certainly in the spring and summer of 1867 at least three of Sprague's lieutenants in Florida were haranguing the freedmen, reminding them that most of their former masters were Democrats, and prais- ing the Republican party. 22 In the same period Commissioner Howard himself interposed to correct a grievous lack of radicalism in the Bureau's school system in Florida. The Reverend E. B. Duncan had been occupying the position of super- intendent. He had aroused some opposition on the part of people who believed he was using his office to prose- lyte the Negroes to his own church, the Methodist Epis- copal South, and he was accused of favoring Southern- ers rather than Northerners for teachers. He denied both charges, but admitted that he had reminded white Southerners that if they would not teach the Negroes the Yankees would. When he declined to use his school system to distribute copies of a recent speech in which Thad Stevens had advocated confiscating the property Of "rebels," Duncan lost his office. 23 General Howard wrote to inform Assistant Commissioner Sprague that he had appointed C. Thurston Chase in place of Dun- can. Chase, according to Howard, was thoroughly vers- ed in the management of freedmen's schools and enjoyed the entire confidence of important benevolent societies. However, a year later Howard's own inspector reported that Chase had been very negligent of his duties and 21. Thomas W. Conway to J. M. Edmunds, July 16, 1867, in the Wash- ington Chronicle, July 18, 1867. Frank R. Chase to Thomas D. Eliot, January 28, 1868, in Bureau Records, the T. D. Eliot Papers. In his report to Edmunds, President of the National Council of the Union League, Conway praised the Bureau's assistant commis- sioners for Alabama, Louisiana, and Virginia for their support of the Union League. Chase, Superintendent of Bureau Schools in Louisiana, wrote : "I see no particular reason for the continuance of this Bureau, so long as Rebels [sic] law (so called civil) exe- cuted by Rebels, (supported and encouraged by Govt. Officials) is paramount, But under a Republican Government, with loyal men in office, there is an indispensable need of its continuance. . . ." 22. Wallace, Carpetbag Rule in Florida, 107-110; the Tallahassee Floridian, May 7, 1867. 23. Ibid., June 14, 21, 1867. 34 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY had spent most of his time in Jacksonville and New York. 24 Meanwhile, as the Radicals gained power in Congress and as Negroes swelled the registration lists in the South, Thomas W. Osborn had become leader of a moderate wing of the Republican party in Florida. 25 In that capacity he enjoyed the full support of the Bureau he had earlier headed. Officials of the Federal agency were key figures in Osborn's stubborn and successful attempt to control the constitutional convention of 1868. The convention was first dominated by an opposition wing of the party, led by other Northern Republicans- Liberty Billings, Daniel Richards, and William M. Saunders. Delay tactics were employed by the Osborn faction while they waited for their forces to muster a majority of the convention. The leader in this effort to postpone any decisive action was W. J. Purman, a local agent of the Freedmen's Bureau. 26 When he and his aids found they could not control the convention; they disappeared in the night, and left a "rump" that was lacking a quorum. Seven nights later the seceders stole back into the hall of the convention. Two of the del- egates they brought with them to provide a quorum were Negroes enticed by Charles M. Hamilton to quit the "rump" and join the "seceders." Until very recent- ly Hamilton had been an agent in the Bureau, and the two colored delegates thought he still exercised Bureau 24. Howard's adjutant to Sprague, May 10, 1867, in Bureau Records, Letters Sent Books, 3:211; Frederick D. Sewall's report of May 11, 1868, ibid., Letters Received. 25. Davis, Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida, 401, 473; Wallace, Carpetbag Rule in Florida, 42 ; the Florida Union (Jacksonville), June 18, 1868. 26. Assistant Commissioner Sprague permitted agents Purman and Marcellus L. Stearns to act as delegates to the convention. He later granted both these men and A. A. Knight and W. L. Apthrop, land locating agents for the Bureau, leaves of absence during the session of the state legislature. Sprague's special orders number 40, June 7, 1868, in Bureau Records for Florida, Special Orders and Circulars, 297. The history of the convention is well told in Davis, Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida, Chapter XIX, and in Philip D. Ackerman, Jr., Florida Reconstruction from Walker through Reed, 1865 to 1879 (an unpublished thesis at the University of Florida, 1948), Chapter IV. 35 FREEDMEN'S BUREAU IN FLORIDA 35 authority. That materially helped him to persuade them to shift their allegiance from Billings to Osborn. 27 For the next week both factions pretended to be the bona fide convention. Then General Meade arrived to settle the matter. He tried to persuade the two groups to meet together ; then he conferred with the local commanding officer, Colonel Sprague. That official-who was also state head of the Freedmen's Bureau-soon informed Liberty Billings' faction that it was out of favor with Meade. 28 In all probability Sprague had largely influ- enced Meade to make this decision. Then, with Sprague in the chair, the convention reorganized. Osborn now had a comfortable majority, which shortly ousted Bill- ings, Richards, and Saunders. 29 One of the men seated to replace these delegates was Marcellus L. Stearns, than an agent in the Freedmen's Bureau and later a Republican governor of Florida. The constitution which Stearns helped to draw up, in the reconstituted conven- tion, was sometimes referred to by Florida Democrats as the Freedmen's Bureau and Post-Office constitu- tion," because the convention had been so much domi- nated by Bureau officials and by Harrison Reed, the United States Post Office Agent for Florida. 30 In the ensuing election the Bureau supported the "Regular Republican" ticket of Reed for governor, Wil- liam M. Gleason for lieutenant governor, and Hamilton for member of Congress. (Gleason, like Hamilton, had been a local agent under Osborn, Foster and Sprague.) Sprague reported to his superiors in Washington that the presence of the military in Tallahassee during the convention had exercised a "most salutary influence up- on the colored politicians of the northern States." 31 But, 27. Wallace, Carpetbag Rule in Florida, 69. 28. Ackerman, Florida Reconstruction, 120-121. 29. Purman was chairman of the eligibility committee which ousted Billings, Richards, and Saunders. The Tallahassee Sentinel, Feb- ruary 20, 1868. 30. Tallahassee Floridian, July 21, 1868, quoting Wilkinson Call's speech to the Democratic National Convention, New York, July 10, 1868. 31. Sprague's report of February 29, 1868, in Bureau Records, Letters Received. 36 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY said Sprague, "irresponsible men" had "done much to unsettle the minds of the freedmen, and to disorganize the councils of the regular republican party. Such men," concluded the assistant commissioner, "are injurious to the country and retard reconstruction." 32 The "irre- sponsible men'' Sprague referred to were Billings, Richards, Saunders, Charles H. Pearce, Jonathan C. Gibbs, and others who had organized chapters of the Union League and who had enjoyed more colored sup- port than had the Bureau officials. However, during the course of the electoral campaign Saunders shifted sides, and with him came many Florida Negroes. They were impressed by the success of the Osborn-Reed party in the convention, by its military support, and by the largess Bureau officials now were dispensing to freed- men. 33 The latter item also impressed Liberty Billings. On May 4, 1868, he bitterly wrote to the Bureau's local agent at Tallahassee, "Carse: . . . The prostitution of your position as Bureau agent, rations, &c, to elec- tioneering purposes, . . . will be investigated." 34 Carse had no need to fear either Billings or official investigation. After the election he became adjutant- general in Governor Reed's cabinet. 35 Purman was sec- retary of state, then Jackson county judge. 36 Osborn went to the United States Senate, and Hamilton to the House of Representatives. Gleason was elected lieu- tenant governor, and Stearns was soon to be speaker of the Florida Assembly. 37 In helping to Republicanize Florida, the Bureau had not failed to take care of its own. But it also had helped remove its political reason for being. In June 1868, Congress "readmitted" seven ex-Confederate states to the Union. Then, at the 32. Sprague's report of April 30, 1868, ibid. 33. Wallace, Carpetbag Rule in Florida, 42; the Tallahassee Floridian, July 21, 1868 (Call's speech) ; Davis, Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida, 504, 524. 34. Liberty Billings to George B. Carse, May 4, 1868, in the Talla- hassee Floridian, May 26, 1868. 35. The Tallahassee Floridian, August 24, 1869. 36. Ackerman, Florida Reconstruction, 135. 37. Davis, Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida, 527, 532, 612. 37 FREEDMEN'S BUREAU IN FLORIDA 37 insistence of conservative Republicans, 38 the Radicals agreed to bring an end to the Bureau. As a final precaution they extended its life past the November elections, but ruled that on January 1, 1869, the Bureau should sus- pend its activities except in the schools and in the pay- ment of Negro veterans' claims. 39 Even after that time the much reduced Bureau in Florida sometimes played politics-on April 25, 1870, the Bureau's superintendent of schools for Florida re- ported, "Carrying out the spirit of my instructions, I took an active part in the late Municipal election [in Jacksonville] and did what I could to carry the election in favor of the Republican party." 40 However, it was in 1867-1868 that the Bureau's major political activity oc- curred in Florida. Then the Freedmen's Bureau contri- buted very much to the political success of Thomas W. Osborn, whom the conservative Tallahassee Floridian would later dub "the great `Von Moltke' . . . really head of the government . . . head of The Ring." 41 And the Bureau provided much of the influence which made a national leader of the freedmen able to say, in 1870, "Politically . . . the Negro . . . entertains sentiments of gratitude and confidence toward and in the Republican Party, gives it his vote, and . . . the day is distant when he will be numbered with the voters of any other [party]." 42 38. The Cincinnati Semi-Weekly Gazette, June 26 and 30, 1868; Harper's Weekly, quoted in the Mobile Nationalist, July 30, 1868; Moses Bates to Andrew Johnson, December 31, 1867, in the John- son Papers, volume 128. As early as May 26, 1866, the New York Times had suggested that "preparations should be made for the early termination of its [the Bureau's] functions." 39. United States Statutes at Large, 15:193. 40. George W. Gile to Howard, April 25, 1870, in Bureau Records, Letters Received. 41. The Tallahassee Floridian, July 4, 1871. 42. John M. Langston to Howard, September 17, 1870, in Bureau Records, Letters Received. 38 Francis P. Fleming in the War for Southern Independence: Letters from the front edited by Edward C. Williamson Camp Chicohomenie Bridge 20 miles from Richmond May 10th, 1862 My dear Brother 2 You have probably ere this heard of our retreat from Yorktown, and the battle of Williamsburg in which our Regiment was engaged. Seton is severely wounded, and in the hands of the Yankees, but before particular- izing I will say that it is not thought to be mortal by two surgeons who examined it - the ball entered just to the left of the backbone and came out just above the right hipbone. It did not break a bone, and so far as could be ascertained had not injured the intestines. Our General would not allow me to remain with him as I desired, but I left him at the house of a kind lady in Williamsburg who I have no doubt will take good care of him. 3 But to return to the fight - we left Yorktown last Saturday night being among the last to leave and arrived at Wil- liamsburg twelve miles distant next morning two miles beyond which place we camped until Monday about ten o'clock. The enemy had in the mean time followed us up and had a skirmish with our Cavalry the evening be- fore. At about ten A.M. Monday our brigade (Earley's) 4 1. The writer of these letters, Francis P. Fleming (governor of Florida 1889-1893), was born at Panama, Duval county, Sept. 28, 1841; he enlisted as a private, July 13, 1861, in the St. Augustine Rifles which later became Company H., 2nd Florida Infantry Regiment of the famous Florida Brigade commanded by General E. A. Perry. The 2nd Florida served as part of the Army of Vir- ginia. The letters are a part of the Fleming Papers in the Florida Historical Society library at St. Augustine, recently presented to the Society by Mrs. Hester Fleming Williams. 2. Francis P. Fleming left in Florida a brother, Frederic, and a half- brother, Louis I. Since the envelope is missing the brother to which the letter was sent is in doubt. 3. Seton Fleming, 1st Lt. Co. H, brother of Francis P. Fleming. For an account of Seton Fleming during the Civil War see Francis P. Fleming, Memoir of Capt. C. Seton Fleming (Jacksonville, 1884). 4. General Jubal A. Early commanding. This was before there were sufficient Florida soldiers in Virginia to form a brigade. 39 LETTERS OF FRANCIS P. FLEMING, 1862 39 was ordered towards Williamsburg. The fight had then commenced and was going on about a mile from town on the York road we were held in reserve until one or two o'clock P.M. and were then marched to the [front] at a doublequick step through the mud (it had been rain- ing all day). When we arrived the enemy had been driven from the field and had taken shelter in a lot of fallen timber on the edge of a wood from which position they poured a heavy fire into us. We then advanced to the relief of our forces who were engaging them on the edge of the fallen timber and fired several volleys into them being at the time not more than twenty or thirty steps from, but they were so well sheltered that we could not tell the effect of our fire. It was at that time that our gallant Colonel fell, he was struck by a ball in the bre[a]st and one in the head. 5 Poor old Col! his loss is severely felt by the Regiment - a braver man, or more perfect gentleman never lived. We were then order- ed to retire as it was thought that the enemy was flank- ing us. We fell back to a ravine about 300 yards to the rear and after forming again advanced about 100 yards and took position behind a fence waiting the advance of the enemy from the woods from where they were con- stantly pouring a heavy fire into us. Capt. Call, Seton and four men volunteered to make the attempt to re- cover the Col's body which was left on the field when we fell back. They had to advance quite near the enemy's lines to get it which they succeeded in doing and were bringing it back when the enemy's fire was directed on them and Seton received his wounds, a ball also grazed his ankle but did no injury. Capt. Call and the others that were with him supposing him killed left him and returned to the regiment which at the time fell back a second time and took position on edge of a hill just in the rear. I did not know for some time that Seton was wounded, as I ascertained it from Capt. Call he offered to go with me to his relief or as we then thought to get his body but before we started he was brought in by 5. Colonel George T. Ward, commanding the 2nd Florida. 40 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Lieut. Ballantine of Capt. Perry's Company. I found him in better condition than I expected. Got some men and a litter and took him to a house near Williamsburg where I remained with him until quite late that night, waiting for an ambulance that I sent for to take him in to the hospital which failing to arrive took him on a lit- ter, and got him into a private home about 2 o'clock that night. Fortunately I met two surgeons who examined his wound and made him as comfortable as possible. Next morning I left him to try and get a conveyance to take him to the hospital but failing to do so was returning to him when I was met by Gen. Stewart who ordered me immediately on, as the army was all leaving, and the Yankees were fast advancing on the town. 6 I explained Seton's condition to him and besought to be allowed to remain with him, but he told me I would only be taken prisoner and sepperated from him by the Yankees and that he being wounded would be taken good care of by them, and that I must immediately move on which I was obliged to do without again seeing him or telling him goodbye. Poor fellow! it cost me many a better pang to leave him in such a condition but the surgeon that I met at the house when I left him said that the lady was very kind and do anything in her power for him. He seemed so cheerful and made so little complaint that my hopes of his speedy recovery are very great. His only regret seemed to be that he was wounded before having much of an opportunity of fighting. He acted very gallantly and bravely on the field, as every one in the Regiment will testify. The loss of the Regiment was about six killed about fifty wounded. Three of our Company were among the latter - Henry Hickman slightly in the arm, John Gray in the leg and J. Hatcher in the side. Hatch was left in Williamsburg with a great many other wounded. Edward Fernandez was wounded (I think slightly) and also left in Williamsburg. Our loss altogether in killed and wounded was about [blank]. It is impossible to state the loss of the enemy but it was 6. General J. E. B. Stuart, famed Confederate cavalry leader. 41 LETTERS OF FRANCIS P. FLEMING, 1862 41 very heavy we took about five hundred prisoners I will not attempt to discribe our retreat which was commenc- ed a week ago, but you can perhaps form some idea of the movement of about seventy thousand men and the re- quisite number of wagon. When you read this you will oblige me by sending it to Hibernia. I have not time write another, and do not know how to direct. Do not Mother be too much worried about Seton. I believe he will be kindly treated and cared for. The Regiment was reorganized today. Capt Perry was elected Col. Maj. Pyle Lt. Col. and Capt Call Major. Seton would have been elected major had he not been wounded and left be- hind. Moseley is our Capt Carlile [Carlisle] 1st Lt- Wm Watson 2d & F Baya 3rd. 7 We have a large army here and are expecting a fight every day. I have no fear that McClellan will get to Richmond by this route -write as soon as possible direct to Richmond, Mose- ley's Co. 2' Fla - Earley's Brigade - Tell me how to direct to Hibernia - Capt L'Engle is in Richmond. I have not seen John since we left Yorktown. Give my love to Mary Aunt niece and all relatives and friends. your affe brother F. P. Fleming P. S. Excuse mistakes &c I write in a hurry. Camp 2nd Fla Regt near Richmond May 27th 62 My dear Aunt Tilly 8 Your kind letter of the 17th inst. was received 7. Capt. E. A. Perry, Massachusetts born Pensacola lawyer, command- ing Co. A. ; Major Louis G. Pyles of Alachua County ; Capt. George W. Call, late secretary of the Florida Railroad, commanding the Davis Guards, (Co. K) ; Capt. Alexander Moseley, son of ex- Governor Moseley ; Lt. A. M. Carlisle was a former corporal of the company; Lt. William B. Watson had been 1st Sgt., Soldiers of Florida in the Seminole Indian, Civil and Spanish-American Wars, Board of State Institutions (Live Oak, 1903), pp. 77-79, 91-92. 8. Miss Matilda Seton. 42 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY yesterday. It gave me great pleasure to hear from you after so long a silence, which though, was more my fault than yours, but ever since my return from Florida we have been in such a stu and excitement that I have had scarcely time or opportunity to write to anyone. I trust that you are under a wrong impression in supposing Seton dead. When I left him (and I was one of the last who saw him) I don't think that he had any idea of dying. Two surgeons examined his wound before I left Williamsburg, and told me that though a severe one, they did not consider it a mortal wound. Up to the time that I left him he was quite cheerful, and in very good spirits, and complained very little about his wounds. The ball struck a ridge of the backbone and came out just above the right hip. The surgeons who examined it did not think his backbone injured. He was wounded in the back, it is true, but it was not in running from the Yan- kees, but in the attempt to recover the body of our lamented Colonel that was left on the field. He had to advance almost to the guns of the enemy, when they were pouring a very heavy fire into us, to reach the Col's body and had returned about half way to the regi- ment with it when he was shot down. A ball also struck him on the ankle, but merely grazed the skin, and did no injury of any consequence. I would never have left him voluntarily, but was ordered away by Gen Stewart, who told me that the Yankees would take me prisoner and would not allow me to remain with him, and that he would be well taken care of by them I have since seen a surgeon who remained in Williamsburg with our pris- oners who told me that the wounded were all well taken care of, though he would tell me nothing particularly of Seton, probably because he was left at a private house instead of the hospital. He was left at the house of a very kind lady, who the surgeon that I met at her house told me, would take every care of him. The battle of Williamsburg was quite a severe fight; the Yankees acknowledge the loss of about 4000 killed, wounded, and prisoners. Our loss was scarcely half that number. The 43 LETTERS OF FRANCIS P. FLEMING, 1862 43 loss of our Regiment was not so large as you supposed, being about four killed, twenty-eight wounded and ten missing. 9 I can't describe the hardships and suffering that we have gone through, since leaving Yorktown. The day of the fight was one that I shall never forget. It rained the whole day, and we were double quicked (which gait I suppose you know is a slow run) about two miles through the clay mud. I scarcely know how we got through it, the fatigue was so great, but the excite- ment kept us up. After arriving on the battlefield in that condition, we had to charge the enemy. I was never much more exhausted and as I said before, were it not for the excitement I would not have been able to stand it. In our retreat from Williamsburg we frequently had to march through mud about knee deep, and the greater part of the time without very little to eat. We lived for two days on parched corn and a little fresh pork with- out any salt. We are camped about two miles from Richmond, daily expecting a fight, which will probably be as large and severe a one as has been yet fought; our army is very large, and it will fight desperately to defend Rich- mond. I am well acquainted with the Borroughs and Max- well. 10 They are all well. I am at present in the Quarter Master's Department, a clerk for Capt L'Engle. 11 He disired to be kindly re- membered to you. I envy you the pleasant weather that you are enjoy- ing in Florida. This is the most disrepuable climate that can well be imagined. It is as hot for a day or two as any 9. In the Peninsular campaign the retreating Confederates turned at Williamsburg and checked the slow-moving Union Army under McClellan. The Confederate losses were 288 killed, 975 wounded, 297 missing-total 1,560; the Union losses: 456 killed, 1,410 wounded, 373 captured or missing-total 2,239. The 2nd Florida lost 4 killed, 31 wounded, 5 missing-total 40. Official Records of the Rebellion, Series 1, XI, 568-559, 587, 450. 10. B. Maxwell Burroughs, Eben Burroughs, D. Elwell Maxwell, en- listed men in Co. H, Soldiers of Florida, pp. 91-92. 11. Capt. E. M. L'Engle, Quartermaster on the staff of the 2nd Florida, Soldiers of Florida, p. 79. 44 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY weather we have in Florida in the middle of summer, it then clouds up and rains and turns in a few hours as cold as winter, which as the Regiment has no tents we feel quite sensibly. I will endeavor to see Mr. Lee, it will be a great satisfaction to see him again. I am glad to hear that Uncle George has recovered his health. He was quite sick when I last saw him on his way to Tallahassee just before I left Lake City. I am sorry that I was not able to make that visit to you before leaving Florida, but hearing of the expected battle at Yorktown, I was anxious to get back to the Regiment as soon as possible. Write soon, your letters always give me great pleas- ure. Your affe nephew F. P. Fleming P. S. Excuse this being written in pencil, but in Camp we have to use what we can get. F- Camp near Winchester, Va. Oct. 24th, 1862. Dear Aunt Tilly Your long and interesting letter of Aug. 24th and your's of Sept. 9th have just been received, where they've been traveling for the last two months, almost. I am at a loss to say, but ever since leaving Richmond last August, we have not had a regular mail until about two weeks ago, which is probably the reason that they were so long on the way. I read them however with as much pleasure as though they were of a later date. I scarcely know how to answer you in regard to your coming on to Richmond. I can see no impropriety in it. Your best plan is to take Mrs. Reed's advice on the sub- ject, as she has the superintendance of our hospital. 12 12. Mrs. Robert R. (Mary Martha) Reid, ministering angel to the sick and wounded Floridians in Virginia. Mrs. Reid, the widow of a Florida territorial governor, established the Florida Hospital at Richmond. Her only son, Raymond J. Reid, was killed in the Battle of the Wilderness. 45 LETTERS OF FRANCIS P. FLEMING, 1862 45 I made a visit to Richmond about two weeks ago with Edward L'Engle who went on to Florida to get shoes and clothing for the Regiment. 13 While there, I saw Mrs. Reed and visited our hospital. She has it very nicely fixed up. Dr. Saval of Jacksonville is Surgeon in Charge. We have been lying idle for the last three weeks, a few miles north of Winchester, until which time ever since leaving Richmond we have been constantly on the march, and a considerable part of the time fighting. I presume you have seen an account of our visit to Mary- land where we remained about two weeks. We did not meet with the welcome that I had looked for, though the part of the country through which we passed - the vicin- ity of Frederick City and Harper's Ferry - is said to be the strongest "union" part of the states that there is being settled principally by a Dutch and German class. Those of the higher class are generally "secesh" (As the Yankees call us) and extended to us a most enthu- siastic welcome, while traveling slowly along with our train of wagons. While in Maryland, one day, I saw on the side of the road a carriage with several ladies in it, who appeared to be pleased to see us. As it was not fre- quently that we could enjoy the pleasure of the society of ladies, I resolved to take advantage of the oppor- tunity, and forthwith addressed them. They expressed great pleasure at seeing our army in their state, and seemed to enjoy conversing with a Confederate soldier. In the course of conversation with one of the young ladies (there were several) she asked me what state I was from. After telling her, she said that she had an uncle who for several winters previous to the war had been visiting East Florida. Thinking that he might be an acquaintance, I asked her his name. She answered "Mr. Teirnan". I immediately told her of my intimate acqu- aintance with her uncle and my name. She seemed very much pleased, and said that she had often heard Mr. 13. Obviously there was not the traditional chasm between the of- ficer and the enlisted man in the 2nd Florida. 46 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Teirnan speak of our family. She was a Miss Carroll of Baltimore and was then on a visit to her sister Mrs. Horsey, who was with her in the carriage at the time. They were very anxious that I should visit them, but as I was only passing through that section, I of course had to deny myself the pleasure. Miss Carroll told me that Mr. Teirnan was then on a visit to Mr. Peper at Tauney- town that he had been very active in giving our cause all the assistance in his power, that he belonged to a society in Baltimore who were engaged in sending men to our army. Several Companies joined us while we were in Maryland. The scenery in Maryland is the most beautiful and picturesque that I have ever beheld-mountainous and hilly. From the top of one of the mountains that we crossed (of the range of the Blue Ridge) you had a fine view of the most beautiful, undulating valley, stretching out for many miles to the north and south, thickly dot- ted with neat farm houses and fine fields almost ready for the harvest. But the grandest scenery is in the vicin- ity of Harper's Ferry, which is situated on the point of land formed by the confluence of the Potomac and Shannandoah rivers. The heights on either side of the Potomac as you approach the town rise purpendicularly about five hundred feet above the level of the river. I am glad to hear that Uncle George has been appointed Q Master. Seton has been appointed Capt. of Jacquelin Daniel's Company. He went home about a month ago, but I expect him back soon. Col. Perry has been ap- pointed Brigadier General and will have command of our Florida troops here. It was indeed a severe blow to hear of the death of father. 14 I could scarcely realize it at first. It is consoling to know that he lived a useful and Christian life, and died at an advanced age. I am sorry that Gen. Finigan was not able to keep the Yan- kees from again getting possession of the St. Johns. 15 14. Col. Lewis Fleming (1798-1862), a veteran of the Seminole War. 15. Brig.-Gen. Joseph Finnegan, commanding the Dept. of Middle and East Florida. 47 LETTERS OF FRANCIS P. FLEMING, 1862 47 I understand that they have carried off all the negroes that they could get hold of. I hope none of ours. Write soon. Continue to direct to Richmond, and our letters will be forwarded to us wherever we may be. Your affe nephew F. P. Fleming Camp near Fredericksburg, Va. Jany 9th, 1862 [1863] 16 My dear Aunt Tilly Your kind and interesting letter of Nov. 2th, 62, I received a few weeks ago with much pleasure. It deserv- ed a more prompt reply; but ever since the return of Capt. L'Engle from Florida I have been so busy as to have but little time to devote to letter writing; having to perform both the duties of Clerk and Q. Master Ser- geant, to which latter office I was appointed about two months ago, my predecessor having been elected to a 2nd Lieutenancy in the 8th Fla. Reg't. 17 You are mis- taken in supposing that I get a good salary in the Q. M. Department. I only received, as Clerk, the extra pay of twenty-five cents per day in addition to my pay of eleven dollars per month as private. I now-as Q.M. Sg't-receive twenty one dollars per month, which at the present prices of everything, does not equal half the amount in times of peace and ordinary prices. You ask me in what battles I have fought. The bat- tle of Williamsburg is the only large battle that I have been engaged in. A few days before the battle of Seven Pines I was detailed in the Q.M. Department. My reason for accepting the position at the time was that I was then quite unwell, and had been so for some weeks previous. In the line we were very much exposed, having lost all of our tents and nearly everything else, on the retreat 16. The contents of the letter indicate that Sgt. Fleming made the mistake so often made in January of dating the letter a year previous. The correct date should be 1863. 17. Thomas W. Givens, promoted 2nd Lt., Co. K, 8th Florida Regi- ment, later captain, wounded at Gettysburg, Soldiers of Florida, p. 79. 48 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY from Yorktown. My situation in the Q.M. Office gave a good tent to sleep in, and otherwise prevented my ex- posure, but for which I have no doubt that I would have [been] seriously ill. Capt. L'Engle would not afterwards spare me from his office. I begged him very hard to al- low me to join, my Regiment while the battles before Richmond were being fought; but he, having at his own request, been appointed to the Command of a company, for the time, refused saying that if he got killed that I was the only one who could settle up his business. After leaving Richmond and during the Campaign of Northern Virginia, when we were expecting a battle every day he consented to let me take a musket and go into the ranks. I marched for about a week with my Regiment, during which time three Brigades, ours (then Pyrors) being of the number, had skirmish with the Yankees near the Rappahannock, when several of our Reg't were wounded by the enemy's shell. Capt. L'Engle sent for me a few days before the battle of Manassas was fought, which prevented. me from participating in that engagement, but our Brigade though exposed to a heavy fire from the enemy's batteries on the occasion, did but little fighting. I have been in the Q. Master De- partment ever since. How have you enjoyed the Christmas holidays? I have no doubt that it was rather a dull Christmas in all parts of the Country-How many firesides mourn the loss of some loved one, whose now stilled voice was wont, but two short years ago, to enliven and make merry the Christmas festivity. I spent Christmas rather more pleasantly than I had anticipated. Having to take a trip of about thirty miles to procure forage for the horses Maxwell Burroughs (who is detailed in the Q.M. Dept.) and myself started on Christmas eve and arrived that night at the house of an old Virginia farmer-an old bachelor-with whom we stopped, he treated us next morning to a delightful egg- nogg, which we took great pleasure in doing justice to; he afterwards took us to visit a neighbor's house, and 49 LETTERS OF FRANCIS P. FLEMING, 1862 49 gave us an introduction to several very pretty, charm- ing and interesting young ladies, with whom, as you may imagine, we enjoyed ourselves exceedingly, and altogether spent a very pleasant Christmas. How do you think you would like a Virginia niece? I presume that it is useless to give you a narration of our victory at Fredericksburg. Suffice it to say that our Gallant old Chief Gen. R. E. Lee has once more im- mortalized his illustrious name-would that we had a Lee in the west! Many thanks for your kind offer to procure clothing for me. I am just now, as well supplied as a soldier in the field should be. If at anytime I should need anything of the kind I shall be glad to avail myself of your kind- ness. I must also thank you for the jacket that you sent me. I have not yet received it, but have no doubt that Mrs. Reid will send it to me at her earliest opportunity, as I learn that it is in Richmond. Miss Carroll was dressed in mourning. She made no mention of her brother. Do you know that Johnny O'Neil is a Captain in our Regiment? 18 The weather for the last three weeks has been very fine reminding me of our Florida winters. Write soon, your letters always interest me very much, and give me great pleasure. Your affe nephew F. P. Fleming Dear Aunt Tilly Camp near Fredericksburg, Va. April 11th, 1863 I have no doubt that you think me a very poor cor- respondent. As your kind and interesting letter of Jan- uary 5th has reminded so long unanswered, but I assure you that it was from no indifference on my part that 18. Johnny B. G. O'Neil, Co. K, 2nd Fla., made captain, June 1862, Soldiers of Florida, p. 95. 50 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY I have so long remained silent. Shortly after receiving your letter, Elwell Maxwell arrived here from Florida and told me that on the railroad, somewhere in Georgia, as he was changing cars, he saw you, but did not have an opportunity to speak to you, not hearing from you in the mean time, I was at a loss to know where to ad- dress you. But Seton tells me that you did not mention having taken a trip off when he saw you in Florida ; therefore I suppose that Elwell must have mistaken some one else for you. Seton got back about ten days ago; his health is much improved, in fact he is almost perfectly well. 19 I was much gratified to learn that he had visited you. He spoke of his visit with much pleasure and said that you seemed very much pleased to see him. We have had several days of pleasant, warm, spring weather that is fast drying up the roads, and soon very soon-two hostile armies, that are now only seperated by a narrow stream, will be in motion, and the horrors of another campaign will commence, and Virginia's thirsty soil will again be watered by the best blood of our beloved South, and will claim fresh victims to the bitter hatred of our despicable foes. I visited Fredericksburg this morning, from which place we are encamped about five miles in a northeast- erly direction. 20 Quite a number of persons have moved back to town, and the place looks much more lively and cheerful than it did a few weeks after the battle. A good many houses have been repaired and patched up, but there are still numbers that are perfectly riddled, and some partly knocked down by shot from the enemy's bat- teries on the opposite side of the river, and the town is still at the mercy of those batteries; but they paid so dearly for it when they tried to force our position here that I don't think they will renew the attempt. One house, near the stone wall just on this side of town, that Cobb's Brigade so gallantly defended, and where Gen. 19. Lt. Seton Fleming was exchanged Aug. 5, 1862, Soldiers of Florida, p. 91. 20. The Battle of Fredericksburg occurred Dec. 13, 1862. 51 LETTERS OF FRANCIS P. FLEMING, 1862 51 Cobb fell, is so riddled by musket balls as to almost re- semble a seive. Long trenches six or eight feet wide, into which the Yankee dead are promiscously thrown and covered over so slightly with earth that in some places where it has settled you can see their arms, feet and faces sticking out, bear silent evidence of the ter- rific slaughter inflicted upon them on the field of Fred- ericksburg. Did you receive a letter that I wrote you, I think, in the early part of January? I did not know at the time that you were living in Madison County, and I directed to Monticello, to the care of the person at whose house you had been staying. (I can't think of his name). I am very anxious to hear from home, when Seton left Mother, he had just persuaded her to move off of the Island, considering it very unsafe for her to remain there while the Yankees had Jacksonville garrisoned with negro Regiments. 21 I have heard since that the Yankee forces have been withdrawn from Jacksonville, and therefore do not know whether or not Mother has moved. I hope that she has, as the Yankees are liable at any time to occupy the place and commit ravages on the river. I wish we had some one in command of the Department of East Florida who would not be affraid to risk the lives of his troops when he has every oppor- tunity, by so doing, to destroy, capture or drive the enemy off. The idea of about twelve hundred negroes holding the town of Jacksonville against a superior num- ber of our troops. 21 I suppose that Gen. Finegan would have attacked them in the town, but the gunboats would have shelled him! ! ! How terrible! He might have got several men killed! 22 I think that the service would be 21. March 3, 1863 the Union forces occupied Jacksonville for the third time. The invading military consisted of the 1st. and 2nd. South Carolina Colored Infantry which were later reinforced by the 6th. Connecticut and the 8th. Maine. William Watson Davis, The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida (New York, 1913), pp. 171-172. 22. Sgt. Fleming does not take into account the fact that Florida was stripped of the cream of her manpower for the fighting further north. General Finnegan had a vast area to defend with a mini- mum of supplies and few combat experienced soldiers. 52 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY highly benefited by sending all of the troops in Florida, including their Commander, to part of the Country where they could hear in earnest the whistling of a shell and the roar of Artillery; and where, as has been the case several times with our Regiment, troops go into a fight and get half their number placed hors du combat. I was glad to hear that you were teaching, as I sup- pose your duties are not very erksome, and you must be much more - I won't say agreeably, but satisfactorily situated. I enclose you a few stamps. I wish that I was able to send something more valuable; but everything is so intolerably high that I spend about all I make. That you can form some idea of the prices in this vicinity I men- tion one article that I bought this morning. A package of envelopes at ten cents a piece. Seton tells me that he saw Uncle George in Florida. Do you ever see the Williams of St. Augustine? Write as often as you can. Your affe nephew F. P. Fleming (This series of letters will be continued in the next issue) 53 Letters of the Invaders of East Florida, 1812 by Rembert W. Patrick In September, 1812, a small detachment of the United States Army, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas A. Smith, was camped near Moosa Old Fort. Not more than five hundred yards from the American forces was the unkempt and open quarters of a small band of men who called themselves the "Patriots of East Florida." Just across the San Sebastian river from these camps lay the town of St. Augustine with its formidable fort, Castillo de San Marcos, manned by Spanish regulars and colored militia from the Spanish West Indian pos- sessions. Notwithstanding the warlike atmosphere in and near St. Augustine, the United States and Spain were at peace. For more than four months, however, Colonel Smith's detachment of approximately two hundred men had faced the beleaguered Spanish citizens and troops in St. Augustine. All during that long, hot summer of 1812 there had been no fighting, but the Spanish had received reinforcements by sea and the Indians had joined forces with them to destroy prosperous planta- tions and scalp those quandom Americans who had not fled to Amelia Island, or St. Mary's, Georgia. The In- dian depredations had sent most of the Patriots fleeing north to find their families and to protect their proper- ty, and scarcely forty men were left of a force which had once neared four hundred in number. Thus the position of the American army detachment had grown increasingly precarious during the last weeks of August and the early days of September. The often reinforced Spanish garrison was now far stronger than Colonel Smith's detachment, and the Indians were threatening to cut his supply lines to the St. Johns river. The small remaining band of Patriots were useful only for rounding up stray cattle from the interior, and they could not be depended upon even for this service. Fever, dysentery, and other diseases confined more than 54 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY one-third of Smith's forces to their crude huts which offered some protection from the summer sun and rain. By a quick sally from St. Augustine, the Spanish could have captured the small American force. Although the Spanish had every right to defend their colonial possession, East Florida, they were merely standing on the defensive except for certain encourage- ments and munitions which they supplied their more aggressive Indian allies. The American force near St. Augustine was a part of a long-planned step to acquire East Florida, and Spain was avoiding any acts or actions which would lead to a declaration of war by the United States. For thus far the Congress of the United States had refused to sanction the administration's at- tempt to acquire the territory of a nation with which they were at peace. Aggressive Spanish action might lead to war, and Spain, which was allied with England against Napoleon in Europe, could not afford war with the United States. The United States had long wanted the Floridas. Because of the conflict in Europe and the preoccupation of England and Spain in the battle with France, Presi- dent James Madison, with the knowledge and aid of Secretary of State James Monroe and the sanction of ex-President Thomas Jefferson, had laid plans for the acquisition of East Florida early in January 1812. In that month President Madison had selected and direct- ed George Mathews, a fiery veteran of the Revolu- tionary War and a one-time governor of Georgia, to acquire East Florida. Mathews had been given a wide latitude in the exercise of powers which included the right to command the services of the American army and naval forces in accomplishing his secret mission. And Mathews had acted with energy. With the aid of the young and wealthy John Houstoun McIntosh, 1 he had 1. Although a native of Georgia, John Houstoun McIntosh had been a resident of East Florida for seven years. At this time he was thirty-nine years of age and an enthusiastic supporter of Mathews' plan for the annexation of East Florida. While McIntosh was no military leader, he backed the Patriot cause with thousands of dollars, most of which eventually was a total loss to him. John Houstoun McIntosh has often been mistakenly identified as his more famous cousin, General John McIntosh, who won mili- tary fame in the Revolutionary War. John Houstoun was a child of ten when that War ended. 55 LETTERS FROM FLORIDA, 1812 55 organized a revolution in East Florida, and these revo- lutionists, or " Patriots" as they called themselves, had captured Fernandina and Amelia Island in March of 1812. These "revolutionized" and "independent" areas of Florida had been delivered to the United States, and the Patriot army, closely followed by Mathews and Colonel Smith's army detachment had proceeded on as far as Moosa Old Fort. As these forces had progressed from point to point, the Patriots took possession of the country, declared it independent, and delivered it to the care of Colonel Smith to hold for formal annexation to the United States. Only the steadfast refusal of the Spanish to surrender St. Augustine and the fear that the strong fort there could not be taken by assault, had prevented the capture of all the settled areas of East Florida. George Mathews had been disappointed by the par- tial failure of his scheme, but an even greater blow was soon to befall him. To save his own face, President Madison repudiated the act of Mathews and dismissed him. But Madison was not ready to abandon his Florida project. Governor David Mitchell of Georgia had been appointed to Mathews place, and the American troops continued to occupy East Florida "to the walls of St. Augustine." In spite of a declaration of war against Great Britain in June 1812, and the strenuous efforts of the administration, the United States Congress had refused to sanction the acquisition of Florida. Notwith- standing the refusal of Congress to adhere to his plan, Madison had allowed the American troops to remain in East Florida. Thus it was that on September 11, 1812, a small, tired and hungry force of the United States Army was camp- ed on Spanish territory near St. Augustine. On the fol- lowing day a wagon train, under the protection of forty men, was to move west through the Twelve Mile Swamp to Picolata on the St. Johns. There the wagons were to be loaded with provisions and sent back to the Ameri- can camp. Since the wagon train was to leave early 56 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY on the morning of the twelfth, those who wanted to write letters to officials, members of their family, or friends, wrote or completed their letters on September tenth. Only eight letters were posted on the following morning and these were written by five men. Of these Colonel Smith's letter was devoted to the problem of securing supplies for his camp, and Private Robert T. Brown's was only a brief note. Lieutenant James Ryan gave some information in his two letters; Captain Field- er Ridgeway wrote three individuals to reveal something of his personal affairs and the condition of the army detachment; and William Kinnear penned the longest and the most informative letter. Although the wagon train departed on the twelfth, these letters never reached their destination. Late in the afternoon of that day the wagons and their protective convoy of forty men were attacked by a much larger band of Indian-led colored troops. The wagons and the eight letters fell as spoils to the attackers. These let- ters were taken to St. Augustine and eventually were added to the Spanish archives of Florida. When the United States acquired Florida in 1821, the Spanish East Florida Papers by the terms of the treaty of ac- quisition were to be delivered to the United States. This delivery was made and the East Florida Papers, which contain approximately 65,000 documents, are now in the Manuscripts Division of the Library of Congress. 2 The following letters were copied directly from the eight original captured letters which were written in September 1812. 2. The United States seized the East Florida Papers in October, 1821, to prevent their being sent to Cuba. For an excellent account of this seizure, see Irene A. Wright's, "The Odyssey of the Spanish Archives of Florida" in A. Curtis Wilgus (ed.), Hispanic American Essays (Chapel Hill, 1942). 57 LETTERS FROM FLORIDA, 1812 57 Sir: 3 Camp before St. Augustine 11th Sept. 1812 I wish to be informed by the return of Capt. Wil- liams, 4 whether you expect a supply of salt Provisions and a wagon or waggons to transport it soon. From the frequent depredations committed by the Indians there can be no longer any reliance placed on the Patriots for a supply of beef; indeed the Troops have been compelled to perform all the labour of butchering and bringing what has been furnished to camp. From the manner in which the Contractor has complied with his contract I am left to dread everything and hope for nothing, every movement thus far having been defeated by his de- falcation. If you cannot supply the rations agreeably to the Contract I wish to be notified of it as soon as pos- sible that I may appoint some person to purchase and supply on public account, we have been without spirits 5 for some time. The Contractor must furnish drivers to his teams. I am respectfully Sir Your Obt Servt T. A. Smith Lt. Col. Riflemen 3. This letter was addressed to George Ruddle, who had general supervision of the contractors which supplied Colonel Thomas A. Smith's forces. Colonel Smith was a Virginian and the commander of the post at Point Petre near St. Mary's, Georgia, when the revolution began in East Florida. On July 6, 1812, he was promoted from lieutenant-colonel to colonel. 4. Captain John Williams served in the Marine Corps and had pre- viously been stationed on Cumberland Island. Because of the critical need for officers, he was temporarily attached to Colonel Smith's command and commanded the escort which protected the supply route from the St. Johns river to Smith's camp. In the attack on the supply train on September 12, Captain Williams was mortally wounded. 5. Whiskey and other alcoholic drinks were believed essential for medicinal purposes as well as necessary for the well-being of the men. Drinking was almost the sole diversion of the officer and enlisted man in Florida. Without "spirits" Colonel Smith knew he could not keep up the morale of his men. 58 THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Dear Ash 6 Sir Camp before St. Augustine 11th Sept., 1812 The dons 7 still quiet tho as we understand many threats. We have a man who came into camp a few days ago, who deserted from the Matanzas about three months ago. he stated he went to the nation and was made prisoner by the Indians, who was carrying him to St. Augustine. Between this and Picolatti 8 he gave them the dodge and came into camp, he also afirmed that thare was about forty Indians on this side the St. Johns. that the houses at Picolatti was burnt and the Blockhouse knocked down to the ground. Colo Smith dispatched an express to Colo Newnan 9 who was at Fatios 10 on the St. Johns. he had but a few moments returned from Pico- latti when the express arrived. it has this moment re- turned. the Indians about 25 in number did attact Pico- latti, but was repulsed by our boys. the Corporal who commands thare says he could get to fire on them but seldom. that they got fire to the Skinn and Store houses before he could get to fire on them at all (which was both entirely consumed) he says he is certain he killed one of them (the corpl had five men). Colo Newnan sets out this day or tomorrow for the nation with his detachment. On the morning of the 9th a Mr. Armstrong of the patriots who had been employed for some time in 6. This letter was addressed to John Ash of Savannah, Georgia, a friend of the writer, Lieutenant James Ryan, who was a Georgian. 7. The United States soldiers often referred to the Spanish as "Dons". 8. Picolata, one of the supply bases for the Army was on the St. Johns river, was almost due west from St. Augustine. The authors of these letters often misspelled Picolata. 9. Colonel Daniel Newnan, who was a native of North Carolina and a former United States army officer, was at this time commanding a detachment of Georgia volunteers which had been ordered to Florida by Governor Mitchell of Georgia. 10. Francisco Fatio operated a plantation on the St. Johns. Although he was not a "Patriot" his plantation house and buildings were used by the Patriots and the army. 59 LETTERS FROM FLORIDA, 1812 59 driving cattle for us was shot and sculped about three miles from our camp. the diserter mentioned above we consider a suspi- cious character, therefore take care of him. I am Respectfully Sir Yr Obt Servt J. Ryan Dear Sir 11 Camp Before St. Augustine 11th Sept. 1812. The Dons continues quite peaceable. The Indians continues their hostilities; on the morning of the 9th a Mr. Armstrong of the patriots who has been employed driving Cattle for sometime, was Shot and Sculped about three miles from camp. A few days ago the In- dians made an attack on picolati about 25 in number, after burning the Skin and Store house, they was beat off with the loss of one of their fellows. Colo Newnan sets out this day or tomorrow for the Nation. Our camp continues very sickly Generally from forty five to sixty on the Sick